Japanese Journal of Human Geography
Online ISSN : 1883-4086
Print ISSN : 0018-7216
ISSN-L : 0018-7216
Volume 16, Issue 2
Displaying 1-9 of 9 articles from this issue
  • Yashu NAKAMATSU
    1964 Volume 16 Issue 2 Pages 113-138
    Published: April 28, 1964
    Released on J-STAGE: April 28, 2009
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    This study was intended to clarify the character of the village in the Ryukyu Islands, covering the area from Amami Oshima in the North to the Yaeyama Islands in the South, through the analysis of the distributive pattern of the houses on the one hand and of group structures on the other within the village of this area.
    Findings are as follows:
    1) Many of the villages in the Ryukyus have maintained their existence without much disturbance ever since their initial settlement. By studying these villages, therefore, it seems possible to understand the physical and internal structures of the ancient village.
    2) Viewing the distributive pattern of the houses with reference to the physical structure of the village, it is especially noticeable that families of an old stock are located towards the back of the village, holding their branch-families forward and looking as if the group of old families are keeping an affectionate eye on their respective group of branch-families.
    3) The family established by the initial settlers, having the shrine of the deified ancestors within the house compound, is situated at the uppermost location.
    4) Within a village the people maintain an evaluative conception of house locations as superior or inferior. Kyuka or families of an old stock, especially the family of the initial settlers, have to enjoy superior locations, while the group of Bunke or branch-families are to be found in inferior locations.
    5) Each village has its Utaki, the most sacred sanctuary. This seems to be a cemetery of the village ancestors in ancient times which came to be sanctified. Those who worship an Utaki are viewed as the offspring of the same Utaki regardless of kindship. The village community (or Dorfgemeinde) came to be formed through such an idea. I suspect that these groups and their villages might have been the Maki of the ancient Japanese people.
    6) The administration of a village, therefore, was carried out through the worship of the ancestral god with the family, entrusted with the highest responsibility of taking care of the Utaki and serving the ancestral god, i.e. the family of the initial settlers, as the center of the whole village affairs.
    7) There exist many villages having Maki names. This might prove that villages in the Ryukyus had had the Maki structure up to the modern age.
    8) Although some of the villages today have grown to the present structure from a-single-Maki village, many of them seem to have been formed on the basis of the compound-Maki village.
    9) While within some of the villages developed from a compound-Maki village each Maki has its respective residential quarter, it is common that there is no such distinction.
    10) As to the distributive pattern of houses in the moved villages in the postwar Okinawa there is no regularity whatsoever, whether it is Kyuka or Bunke.
    11) This may be taken as an indication of sudden modernization of the Okinawan village today. In fact, Okinawan village communities have neglected or completely lost various village functions as well as ceremonies and festivals since the beginning of the 20th Century.
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  • Tokiji MIZUNO
    1964 Volume 16 Issue 2 Pages 139-159
    Published: April 28, 1964
    Released on J-STAGE: April 28, 2009
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    Nagoya castle town carrying out the square street project is a feudal city, formed up character at the Edo Period. The author is trying to see the city with a view to study the street projects from three different angles; (1) a study of the linear measure, (2) a few comments on the restoration of the street project, (3) an examination of genealogy concerning the project.
    The question resolves roughly itself into the following three points:
    A) The checkered-pattern street project in Nagoya was planned out to construct “the measure of one square street project is, 1 Chô (about 109m), extending over East-West 11 Chô (about 1, 199m) × South-North 8 Chô (about 872m)”. Home-lots-division-form in the one square street project adapts a plan of classified three-zone and fistulous type (see. fig.7). Type of this home-lots-division is no better than that of Edo (Tokyo). The length of Edo (Tokyo) street-project is 40 jô (about 118m), however, the feature marks Edo far off from Nagoya and Osaka castle towns.
    B) In any city or time, it is absolutely necessary for a would-be fine city to plan the project. The checkered-pattern in Nagoya street-project was performed in due regard to the designs of castle enclosure and unification. There is nothing to choose between the relation of castle enclosure and unification, and the other castle towns in the other cities.
    In Nagoya castle town, the place and the width of castle enclosure were the first to provide the position where is the area of northern extremity land on a plateau. Street project run parallel, to the castle enclosure, as well as the pattern of the checkered-street project, descends slowly toward N5°W on the hill (See. fig.8). Geographically this is caused by an use of ground.
    C) As the checkered-pattern street project in Nagoya castle town had 1 Chô (sixty Ken, about 109m) which bears a close resemblance to Jôri System, length considered, it is different from Heijô kyo and Heian Kyo which are adopted the cities of older checkered project street. In this Nagoya city, of course, it does not come under the notice of history. The checkered-pattern street project in Nagoya castle town was decided upon the Japanese feet, however, followed another's castle towns which were utilized allotments of grounds for the Jôri System.
    As mentioned above, though the pattern is just as Kyoto arranged the older ancient checkered-street projects in order, the unit of the length is based upon the Jôri System.
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  • Sadao MATSUI
    1964 Volume 16 Issue 2 Pages 160-176
    Published: April 28, 1964
    Released on J-STAGE: April 28, 2009
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    In the movement of farm-house hold within the metoropolitan area, there are three types as a rule. So, the author was grouped them into the following three classes according to the tendency.
    (1) In and around the area of business cities, a marked tendency to disconnect from (their main occupation) farming is growing increasingly more active. This is generally consequent upon the urbanization and the decline of the will to produce in side-work farmers.
    (2) Intensive agriculture under the type of business enterprise by family (though in the scale, the neighboring city is studded with farms, large and small).
    (3) The rationalization of management and production in farm-house hold is in a fair way in appreciation of their grouping and systematization of the farm-house hold and side-work farmer.
    Through the farming of waterfield rice plant, the author was investigated concerning the systematization in side-work fasmers in and around the urban area. Systematization in side-work farmers flourishes remarkably in the collapsing area of two-crops a year of the paddy field and the region where dwellers are having a very lively agricultural co-operative activity. That is to say, it may be laid down as a general rule that side-work farmers are active in the area where was once main agricultural yield area as compared with the suburban area.
    Farm-house holds in these areas, all through the year that they had stood in need of the cheap and plentiful labour for the two-crops a year, gradually turned into the side-work farmers owing to the stop of the second crop and the simplification in culturing of waterfield rice plant. Because the employment except farming is profitable to the farm house hold. And besides, urbanization with industrialization in the Chukyo District from the 30th year of the Showa onward is remarkably growing. On account of the tendency, markets for labour are expanding every day as well as labour shortage of the construction industry. Farm-house holds are almost getting side-work farmers having a considerable land under cultivation. But they do not hold good to do farming on their own account, because waterfield is not run on a very extensive scale. As a countermeasure of the extensive management in farming and the labour investigation to the farm house hold, agricultural co-operative and the mentors of a group in the rural settlement washed for systematization in the farm house hold and side-work farmers.
    It does not necessarily follow that this is only in the paddy field rice plant. In the stock breeding and kitchen gardeners, the systematization also develop a tendency to increase by degrees.
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  • 1964 Volume 16 Issue 2 Pages 177-202
    Published: April 28, 1964
    Released on J-STAGE: April 28, 2009
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • [in Japanese]
    1964 Volume 16 Issue 2 Pages 203-214
    Published: April 28, 1964
    Released on J-STAGE: April 28, 2009
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • [in Japanese]
    1964 Volume 16 Issue 2 Pages 214-222
    Published: April 28, 1964
    Released on J-STAGE: April 28, 2009
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • [in Japanese]
    1964 Volume 16 Issue 2 Pages 222-223
    Published: April 28, 1964
    Released on J-STAGE: April 28, 2009
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • [in Japanese]
    1964 Volume 16 Issue 2 Pages 223
    Published: April 28, 1964
    Released on J-STAGE: April 28, 2009
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • [in Japanese]
    1964 Volume 16 Issue 2 Pages 223a-224
    Published: April 28, 1964
    Released on J-STAGE: April 28, 2009
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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