Sôka City is situated on the alluvial plain of the northern suburbs of Tokyo and will known for its large paddy farming areas. In the 1960s, remarkable urbanization, that is development of residential quarter or utilization of farm-land as kinder-garten or school, has been accelerated there and about 30 per cent of farmland was modified to the non-agricultural uses during these ten years. A great number of farmers disposed of their land or altered them as houses to lnt or apartment houses. Thus utilization of farmland has been turned in quite urban way.
In this paper non-agricultural land use by farmers is studied.
1) It was about ten years ago that keeping of house to lnt or apartment house among farmers had started, and now approximately one third of farmhouseholds are proprietors of such sort of houses. Keeping of house to lnt or apartment house among farmers was fostered by influx of the surplus population from Tokyo as well as by the drifting tendency of farmers' managment to the side job, which drove them to make up their income deficiency caused by curtailment of the paddy field area. Farmers of extremely small scale, cultivating limited field such as 1.0-1.5ha., are going to mainly rely on earning from the house to lnt or apartment house, instead of planning intensive cultivation of farmland in order to increase their agricural income.
2) Pollution of irrigation at surrounding paddy fields has been bringing about as a nuissance through each farmers' uncontrolled development of the residential quarter. Modification of farm-land from agricultural use to urban use is supposed to be resulting in dissolution of the system of owner farmers who had acquired their own farms at the Farmland Reform after the World War II. Nowadays, they are marked as rather land owner than agricultural producers. Needless to say that there are still kept intensive market gardening in the suburbs of city, but very rare. Generally speaking, farmers are in defarming tendency.
However different in their scale it may be, such a phenomenon is going on not only on the outskirt of a big city but also in every local cities in Japan. So it may be concluded that these owner farmers, initiated and developed at the Formland Reform, are now under disorganization all over Japan.
In this report the suburbs of Tokyo is treated as an example.

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It is in the present decade that quanntitative-geographical studies began to undergo a marked development based on a new viewpoint in geography. In geography, too, mathematical and statistical techniques have been utilized since a long while ago as well as in other sciences. Those techniques of late are however characterized by the quantitative-geographical viewpoint as to the ‘nomothetic’ subjects in pursuit of some general law concerning the spatial regularities of various phenomena on the earth. In this respect, it should be clearly distinct from the ‘ideographic’ viewpoint in regional geography, which is interested in unique items to put emphasis on the intensive studies of individual cases, if the mathematical and statistical techniques are employed as a mere means for description of regions.
The studies from quantitative-geographical viewpoint pay further attention to spatial aspects of the phenomena on the earth, make models derived from some hypothesis, put them to practical tests, and formulate the theories on which the hypothesis is based. The models used there range from deterministic to probabilistic, and static to dynamic models.
The quantitative geography is assumed to contain the following seven branches of research: (1) Point Pattern Analysis, (2) Network Analysis, (3) Trend-Surface Analysis, (4) Regionalization Analysis, (5) Spatial Interaction Analysis, (6) Spatial Diffusion Analysis, and (7) Spatial Behavior Analysis. A large number of studies have added to the literatures of quantitative geography. Among the abovelisted seven branches of quantitative geography, the spatial diffusion analysis seems to show more sufficient development in connection with a theoretical formulation.
The spatial diffusion analysis has been studied in a considerable number of geographical papers, since a Swedish geographer Torsten Hägerstrand understood the diffusion of information and innovation as a spatial process. The significance of Hagerstrand's studies seem to be briefly summarized in two sentences as follows: (1) the spatial process of diffusion in a geographic space was approached through his analysis of the diffusion of information and innovation, and (2) the Monte Carlo simulation technique was first employed for the analysis of geographic space. His diffusion theory of information and innovation might be regarded as comparable to the Christaller's central-place theory.
The present writer attempted an analysis of the intra-urban migration in the pursuit of a theoretical formulation of geographic space, assuming the geographic space as a system of purely spatial components. And the geographic space is assumed to organize a ‘geographic field’ as probability surface given in form of ‘Mean Migration Field’ for the intra-urdan migration. Thus the MMF as a geographic field organized rationally for a given geographic space may probabilistically control the intra-urban migration as a spatial and geographic phenomenon. An example was drawn from an analysis of intra-urban migation on the built-up area, defined as a Densely Inhabited District by the national population census, of Fukaya city (approximately 60, 000 population), Saitama prefecture. The following four stochastic models were formulated to test the hypotheses concerning geographic space considered for the intra-urban migration by means of the Hägerstrand type of Monte Carlo simulation: (1) MODEL I to simulate the migration under a complete random process on a hypothesis of the completely uniform geographic space, ‘Isotropic Plain’, (2) MODEL II for a simulation of the migration pattern within a geographic space assuming the friction effect of distance involved, (3) MODEL III by which simulation is attempted for the intra-urban migration within a geographic space characterized by the uneven distribution of population or the densities effect

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This paper deals with a survey about the formation process of colonized villages and their actual states on the slopes of the volcano, Mt. Hoki-Daisen, where the colonization was made after the World War. II.
(1) Some features of all the colonies in this area is made clear, and how the land is put to use as well as their natural conditions is reviewed.
(2) The process of development common to these colonies in general is made clear in the aspect of how they have been established.
(3) Each colony is classified mainly by analizing and comparing of the pattern of its agriculturtal management, and then in what kind of land is it located is examined.
(4) Field studies are made for three colonies-“Katori”, “Nihonmatsu”, and “Tominagahara”, - which are supposed to be typical. Kinds of management, previous occupations, and native places of all the farmers are investigated, and selecting the typicals among the farmers, their land uses and other points are examined.
(5) Finally, histories, internal functions, distributions of the residential and cultivated lands, their possessional relations and so on, are explicated and compared with one another.
(6) As a result of such studies, it is found that those colonies are distinctively different in character, not only in the patterns of agricutural managent but also in several other points.

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After the war damage, Warsaw was already rebuilt and transfigured considerably. Nevertheless the present midtown area, of this city was formed nearly again within the Third Enceinte (the so-called Wary Lubomirskiego), which was built in 1770, and surrounded the former city. Respecting such a historical background, the main subject of this article aims at examining the role of the construction of the Third Enceinte and reorganization of the city in the Age of Stanishaw August (1764-94)
For this purpose the very conditions of the location of the city are reffered to in the first part. Then attention is focused on the construction of the Second Enceinte (the so-called Wax Zygmuntowski), which was accomplished under the leadership of King Zygmunt III in 1621-24. Next, the process of the establishment of jurisdictions outside of this Second Enceinte with the approval of the king for the citizens under the oppression of the rising feudal lords is analyzed, and the development of iuvisdictions from the middle of seventeenth century is examined concretely by regional groups. In this part we point out the characteristic situation of the city just before the Age of Stanishaw August, where regality and the citizenry were weakening under the increasing jurisdictions of feudal lords and churches.
From the apove-mentioned preliminary considerations we come to realize not only the motives of the construction of the Third Enceinte and the liquidation of jurisdictions under the leadership of the king with the rising power of citizen, but also the dynamic process of formation of the present midtown area. This article estimates highly the role of the Age of Stanishaw August and his initiative in this matter and brings forth the following assertions to understand some aspects on the formation of the present midtown area of Warsaw geographically:
1. The location of Warsaw is worthy of evaluation in traffic, with regard to defense in these parts, throughout the course of history.
2. Three time constructions of enceintes until the end of eighteenth century were not only for defense, but also for the unification of separate areas in this city.
3. Jurisdictions prevented at first the unification of the whole city against the inclination of initiators, but just after the liquidation, these promoted the rapid and dynamic unification and development of Warsaw.

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