This paper investigates recent trends of Chinese mining cities, which have emerged from large-scale resource development during the process of modern industrialization since the 1950s. In this paper, a definition of mining cities that is based on the principle of “forming for mining” is proposed. According to this definition, 58 of 667 organizational cities are identified as mining cities. Because of limited available data, only 40 organizational cities, for which statistical data were available in 1999, are closely examined. Under the definition mentioned above, mining cities composed 9 percent of all cities in China at the end of 1999. Their populations accounted for 14 percent of the entire urban population. These mining cities can be divided in terms of type of mines, into colliery cities, oil-field cities, metal-mining cities, and nonmetal-mining cities. They are located mainly in Northeast China and Central China. The development of mining cities in Northearn China, is however, most prominent. The statistical data indicate that the population size and the scale of mining cities development have been expanding since 1990. However, the growth rates of economic activities as well as population have been slowing. This phenomenon is called the relative peripheralization of mining cities by some Chinese commentators. On the other hand, resource crisis, environmental pollution, unemployment, and poverty still exist in the mining cities. Environmental problems caused by the mines, the problems of Danwei (work-units) disorganization, and unemployment caused by the reforming of mining corporations are becoming more and more serious. Because of a lack of information about the real conditions of mining cities, little attention is paid to a problems that should be important subjects in the future.
Salinas Valley, California, is the leading lettuce-producing area in the United States. Production, processing and marketing of vegetables based in Salinas Valley are typical of the industrialized farming in the United States. This article intends to depict the dynamics of American agriculture by examining the activities of agribusiness with special reference to farming practices, land use, salad processing, and labor. Field studies were conducted in Salinas Valley and Imperial Valley. Production of lettuce in Salinas Valley began in the early 1920s when ice-packed lettuce began to be shipped by rail to the eastern market. Lettuce growers originally marketed lettuce in the spring, summer, and fall from Salinas Valley. From the mid-1920s they began winter harvesting of lettuce in the dry areas of southern California and Arizona, typically in Imperial Valley and Yuma Valley. With the completion of the California Aqueduct, Huron in the western part of San Joaquin Valley grew as a new lettuce-producing area in the 1970s to supply lettuce in April and October. The system of year-round production of vegetables was thus established in the 1970s. Outside capital was invested in Salinas Valley during this period to promote the agribusiness venture of lettuce production and marketing. Some growers shifted to processing ready-pack fresh vegetables in the 1980s by establishing large plants in Salinas Valley. The system of year-round supply of vegetables in Salinas Valley, Imperial Valley-Yuma Valley, and western San Joaquin Valley makes this part of the United States the leading produc of fresh vegetables in the world. Differences in climatic conditions, modern technology for preserving and transporting fresh vegetables, influx of large amounts of capital, availability of cheap labor, and improved infrastructure have combined to create this production complex. It plays an important role in the global supply of fresh vegetables as the produce is consumed not only in North America but also in Europe and Asia, including Japan.
The AD1663 ejecta of Usu volcano, western Hokkaido, northern Japan, have a thickness of approximately 200, cm and are divisible into 7 units on the eastern foot of Usu volcano. The basal deposit, Unit-A, is composed of fine-grained, poorly sorted pumice and ash with well-developed stratification. It contains base surge beds near the sources, and is interpreted as phreatomagmatic in origin. Unit-B is typical in many respects of the product of plinian activity. It is characterized by coarse grain size and wide dispersal, combined with low lithic contents and poor development of internal stratification. This fallout deposit (Usu-b tephra) can be seen in the eastern regions of Usu volcano, and has a thickness of about 4 cm at 200 km from the vent. Unit-C, Unit-E, Unit-F, and Unit-G have characteristics that are satisfactorily interpreted as a consequence of phreatomagmatic activity : fine grain size near source, poor sorting, well-developed stratification and base surge bedforms. Unit-D is typical of phreatic deposits, being composed largely of non-juvenile lithic fragments. According to historical records, the eruption was preceeded by earthquake swarms for 3 days from August 13, 1663. The first eruption (Unit-A) occurred on August 16, followed by an eruption associated with a large amount of pumice and ash (Unit-B) on August 17. The explosive eruptions lasted approximately 20 days. The petrographic properties of the plinian product differ considerably from those of the phreatomagmatic products. The pumice clasts of Unit-B contain abundant glass and little phenocryst (plagioclase, orthopyroxene, and hornblende). The glass has a relatively high refractive index (n = 1.490-1.492) and a low SiO2 content. Orthopyroxene in Unit-B has a relatively high refractive index (γ = 1.735-1.740) and low Mg#. The phreatomagmatic products are rich in massive glass. This glass has a relatively low refractive index (n = 1.475-1.490) and a high SiO2 content, with values differing among horizons. The compositional diversity of the 1663 products indicates the existence of some magma. Presumably, their mixing triggered the 1663 eruption of Usu volcano.
The writer contributed to “Journal of Geography 2000” Vol.109 on whaling by sailing vessels in the 19th century. Here, the writer studied details the management of whaling voyages at that time. Whaling voyages extended from one year to two, threes, and four years. This necessitated whaling vessels calling at several ports en route for supplies of water, firewood and food. Hakodate in Japan, which was already open to foreign vessels, was one of the ports of call. Whale oil and whalebone harvested during a voyage were sent by cargo clippers to the respective home ports in New England, via supply ports centering on Honolulu in the Sandwich Isis. The purpose was to empty the hold and quickly cash in the cargo. The places of birth of crews were New England and other areas in the USA, but they actually lived around their home ports and had us citizenship. Some of crew members died due to various accidents, or left their vessels because of illness. In addition, in the Pacific, a number of unskilled hands deserted their vessels at some islands of call. Therefore, the vacancies had to be filled at port of calls. As a result, many crews changed composition from the time of departure. The lay-system was contracted at the port of departure. Dividends based on percentage of proceeds of whale oil and whalebone were paid to crews upon return to port. This lay-system was adopted by American whaling, but there were great differences in dividends received by skilled and unskilled hands. In addition, in the case of unskilled hands, dividend account was greatly reduced by advance money and interest before and during the sailing. Therefore, their net income was very small. Untill the 1850s, whaling prospered and proceeds from whale oil and whalebone were large. Naturally, dividends for investors were large. Therefore, shipbuilding casts were easily covered by around 2 voyages. But, in the 1870s when American whaling declined as proceeds from whale oil and whalebone were reduced by the lay-system, both dividends for investors and crews also decreased, although whaling as an enterprise was still carried on. But, interest in whaling of both investors and crews was receding. In the 1870s the number of American crews decreased, and foreign crews including skilled hands increased. Many extra hands also had to be hired. In the history of economics American whaling by sailing vessels in the 19th century can be considered to be at the manufacturing stage. Theory explained that manufacturing develops into a capitalist industry through the Industrial Revolution or mechanization. However, American whaling by sailing vessels did not follow this course. It can be considered that both investors and crews (capital and labor) moved out of the whaling industry to other sectors in the latter part of the 19th century as whale resource decreased. The whale oil market price fell due to competition from petroleum. Moreover, at this time in New England there were large investments in various industries, and the labor market on land was expanding. This is in contrast to the Japanese case in which a manufacturing scale fishery developed into capitalist stage fishery with a limited investment area and a small labor market. The writer would like to pursue this subject.
This study analyzes rural restructuring and its sustainability in rural Bavaria, Germany, using the example of Unterjoch, which is located in a mountain region. In Unterjoch, the sustainable rural system has been characterized by more extensive and differentiated land use since the 1990s. In general, the intensive use of rural land has led to pluriactivity in rural Europe. A recent trend is the attraction of rural tourism. Until the 1980s farmers achieved pluriactivity by combining intensive farming in arable land accompanied by price support, guest house management and service sector employment in urban areas. But intensive farming degraded arable land that played an important role, not only for production, but also for attracting rural tourism. At the same time, the number of overnight guests decreased, and the number of day-trip guests increased in Unterjoch. In addition, since the 1990s the EU has worked out a policy to reduce price supports for farmers and restrict the overuse of arable land by reforming CAP (Common Agricultural Policy). In response to these socio-economic changes, farmers in Unterjoch diversified pluriactivity by adding organic farming and direct marketing for the purpose of sustaining arable land as the space for production and attraction to rural tourists. Farmers started to use arable land extensively for organic farming. Furthermore, they re-used and diversified mountainous land in the Alp, abandoned during the productivist era, according to the standards of the organic certification group. In addition, farmers restructured the system in which they produce and sell agricultural product that utilize local resources. Moreover, farmers are now able to receive subsidies from agro-environmental policies in spite of the reduction of price supports owing to the reform of CAP. From the view point of community-based development, the vertical differentiation of spatial use makes it possible for farm and tourism-oriented management to co-exist with a common purpose of sustaining rural space for tourism. The area for farm-oriented management is made up of arable land and mountainous land in the Alp, whereas the area for tourism-oriented management consists of arable land and housing. As a result, a community-based development model named 'Öko-modell Hindelang' is promoted, which is designed to promote the extensive use of arable land for sustaining the attraction of rural tourists and direct the marketing of agricultural products to rural tourists.
Large earthquakes along the Kuril subduction zone have caused tsunami damage on the Pacific coast of eastern Hokkaido, including Kushiro area, northern Japan. Twenty-two postulated tsunami deposits (named htdl to htd22) in the Holocene sediments cored from Lake Harutoriko, Kushiro City were already described by sedimentary methods and dated by AMS14C and tephrochronological methods. In this study, we carried out diatom assemblage analysis to study the paleoenvironments in detail. As a result of our study, we identified drastic changes of the diatom assemblages in this core. We infer that these changes were generated by repeated great earthquake tsunamis along the Kuril subduction zone.