Im 17. bis 18. Jahrhundert, in dem die Reflexionen und Kritigen uber das Theater zum Gegenstand allgemeiner Anteilnahme wurden, erregte ein Ratsel offentliche Aufmerksamkeit. Das ist die seltsame Erfahrung, die heute die 'Lust am Tragischen' oder 'Lust am Leid' genannt ist. Dubos legte das grundlegende Erklarungsformular dieser paradoxen Erfahrung vor. Er erkennt den Kern des Problems im Zugleichsein von Lust und Unlust. Als Typen dieser vermischten Gefuhlen nennt Mendelssohn das Erhabene und das Mitleiden. Das Erhabene war auch schon bei Burke "a sort of delightful shiver", und weiter von Schiller als das der tragischen Ruhrung begleitende erkannt. Das Mitleid, andererseits, war im 19. Jahrhundert in der psychologischen Asthetik der Einfuhlung von Lipps oder Volkelt, oder in der Phanomenologie der Stimmung von Odebrecht thematisiert. Doch haben alle diese Argumente kein neueres dargebietet als das Formular von Dubos. Alle diese Verwicklungen ruhren aus dem merkwurdigen Gedanken der Vermischung der Gefuhle selbst. Um der Aporie auszuweichen, ist es notig, zuerst das Gefuhl mit dem heideggerschen Begriff der "Befindlichkeit" ontologisch zu fassen. Und dann, mit Hilfe der phanomenologischen Analyse von Iser und Ricoeur uber den Lesensakt, konnten wir klar finden, dass die Befindlichkeit des Zuschauers vom Anfang bis zu Ende in der asthetischen Lust liegt.

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Die Weltanschauung der Romantik entwickelte sich aus dem Bewusstsein uber die Spaltung zwischen Natur und Geist. Aus der Krise. die dieses Bewusstsein hervorrief, wollten die Romantiker die Harmonie zwischen Natur und Leben wiederherstellen. Heutzutage sind wir uns der Spaltung noch deutlicher bewusst. Dic Frage nach einer neuen Beziehung zwischen Natur und Mensch ist deshalb immer noch aktuell : wir versuchen, die Natur als seelichen Heilungsort zuruckzugewinnen. Wenn Oskar Becker die Natur als Hauptthema selnes Denkens aufgreift, stutzt er sich auf die romantische produktive Natur (natura naturans). Alle Probleme der Menschen und der Schonheit konne man von seiten des heideggerschen Daseins, d.h. von seiten des Geistes, nicht umfassend genug begreifen. Erst wenn der Begriff "des Dawesen", d.h. der Begriff der Natur, eingefuhrt werde, konnten diese Probleme erortert werden. Das Schone sei eine hinfallige Brucke der Spannung, gleichsam ein Regenbogen, der sich uber beide antagonistischen Seinsprinzipien streckt. Diese "Hinfalligkeit des Schonen" schwebt zwischen dem statisch-asthetischen Idealismus Schellings der dynamisch-ironischen Dialektik Solgers. Von diescn zwei romantischen Philosophen beeinflusst, schatzt Becker die Romantik neuein. Mit ihm finden wir vielleicht ein Tor. durch das wir der romantischen Naturanschauung aufs Neue wieder bcgegnen konnen.

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The Haguro sect of Shugendo systematizes its ascetic practices on the mountains as a ritual called 'Akinomine', whose aim is to reincarnate 'Shugyosya' (an ascetic practician) as Buddha by way of the symbolic process of death and rebirth. The idiosyncratic idea of 'sounds' of the sect finds its most positive way in these processes. Each sound used in this rirual fulfills its own function ; the regular sounds of the religious instruments handled by the reverend leaders have a power of purification. The disorderly noises made by striking wainscots of the hall or by popping sacred leaves not only consolidate the soul into the 'Shugyosha', who symbolizes an unstable embryo, but also give him viability. At the final stage of the ritual process where only the voices of the 'Shugyosya' sound loudly comes out a special sound-space. It is this sound-space that completes the ritual. Originally, this ritual was practiced at an especial place on the mountain separated from the secular life and its core was being confined there. The sound-space produced by the voices of the 'Shugyosya' reciting sutras together takes over the religious confinement in a sacred place. In such a sound-space the virtue of the sutra materializes in ihe voices and permeates deeply into the 'Shugyosya' themselves. This moment enables the 'Shugyosya' to achieve spiritual transformation.

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Something of Chinese theories of art appreciation can be comprehended from the literature concerning painting. There are the mentions of seals and signatures, types of paper and silk for paintings, and viewpoints for judging paintings, calligraphies and other art abjects. Essentially the areas of aesthetic appreciation and concern can be classified into five groups. These are (1) the knowledge of materials, (2) the connoisseurship of materials, (3) the critical evaluation of artists, (4) the aesthetic appraisal for artistic change over time, and (5) the commentary on the essential quality of painting. As these points are often subtle and complicated, it is not easy to comprehend the depth of their meaning. However, by taking up one point at a time, it is possible to discover interesting transitions in attitudes toward art. Generally, from the Six Dynasties to the Tang, the appreciation of paintings did not occupy a high position in the liberal arts. In the Song, as paintings came to be highly estimated among the literati, the attitude of artistic appreciation in one's private life became popular. From the Yuan to the Ming, the appreciation of paintings was included as part of the basic aesthetic concerns in the life of the literati. But in the Qing, individual aesthetic refinement declined and was replaced by a more hardened, scientific approach to the appreciation of objects. It is fundamental for studying art history to understand these phases of transition.

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Indian painting is believed to have started developing in the post-Vedic period. On the basis of early Buddhist literature, it is certain that Buddhist monasteries began to be decorated with mural paintings in the late post-Vedic or the early Mauryan period. This is the first definite connexion between the Buddhist community and painting. We cannot, however, regard this as the true beginning of Indian Buddhist painting. For mural paintings in early Buddhist monasteries almost certainly consisted of decorative motifs which were not peculiar to Buddhism. Though we have no positive data, it seems that cloth paintings used in narrative recitation were popular in the same period. It may well be that Indian Buddhist painting came into existence in the form of such painting, which depicted Jatakas (stories of the Buddha's former births) and stories from the Buddha's life. Early Buddhist relief sculptures on railings and gateways of stupas probably presupposed these cloth paintings. Buddhist shrines had been developing since the Mauryan period. In the post-Mauryan period, Buddhist mural painting, influenced by Buddhist cloth paintings used in narrative recitation and by mural paintings of royal palaces, appeared in Buddhist stupa shrines.

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Muromachi paintings are usually classified in two types, one is Yamato-e paintings and the other is lnk paintings. But, in fact, there are many paintings which can not be explained by this classification. So, we must reconsider Muromachi paintings in consideration of their diversity. The clue to the reconsideration is a series of "Senmen Soshi", consisting of poems accompanied by fan-shaped illustrations. A series of "Senmen Soshi" shows various styles, and in spite of the variety of styles, there are some fan paitings having the same "Waka" and same design in common. Further, there are some fan paintings accompanying different "Waka" on the same design. These facts show us not only the mixture of styles and the succession of designs in the same picture form, but the contact and influences of "Jote" and "Gete" styles which have been considered individually. From the documents, we can know that even the imperial family and the aristocrats used "Machimono" ('ready made', i.e. made by town painters) byobu and fans. That is to say, "Machimono" were not necessarily only for popular use. From these points, we can understand the diversity and influences at work in Muromachi paintings.

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