The concept of water as an economic resource is gradually emerging as water becomes more scarce in relation to urban demand. Even where water exists in abundance in Japan for existing uses, a shift to new uses is a problem just as in the Tokyo Metropolitan Area. But, some irrigation districts in Japan are beginning to feel the necessity to use irrigation water for urban demands. The water transfers will become a more serious problem in urbanized areas. This essay will be some contribution in solving the problem of water transfer.
The writer examined the Northern Colorado Water Conservancy District which was the prototype of organizational arrangements for Water Transfers. This district stemmed originally from a financial need to carry out the Colorado-Big Thompson Water Project following the passage of the Conservancy District Act of 1937. This district had 2, 315 square miles containing seven counties.
Water transfers are often a problem because Water Management Organizations have different water rights and geographical scopes, particularly, in the western states in U.S.A. The Colorado-Big Thompson water is allocated as additional water, producing 310, 000 acre-feet in a year. The concept of additional water has no particular legal problems. Water allocations were made at a charge of 1.5 per acre-foot at the beginning, but in 1955, the charge changed to 2 per acre-foot, and also from 1959 the charge has been changed according to various kinds of water demands. For example, in 1972, a charge was made of $ 250 per acre-foot for domestic water in this District. The problem of changing water cost has been solved in this area with the transfer rules adapted by the districts own financial problems and existing urban demand.
There are two types of water transfers. First are transfers of a permanent nature which may occur within the irrigation sector. Second are transfers which are seasonal in nature. The latter transfers may be thought of as water rental. But, this district is forbidden by statute to sell water outside its boundaries. All the permanent water transfers of the District were to municipalities.
In this area, water is a critical factor in the continued urban growth. For example, the population growth of Boulder City increased from 37, 718 to 66, 870, 1960-1970, and also Fort Collins, Greeley, Loveland, Longmont etc. increased their populations and their employment by urbanization. So the demand of water for municipal and industrial uses needs more supply, and the value of urban water is much higher than the value of water in agricultural use. However, from the point of view of environment conservation of an area, like Boulder City, this district needs to restrict the expansion of the city. I would like to support an idea of the new employee tax in Boulder City which Prof. Seckler has pointed out.

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The present paper is based on the materials collected in the field survey in 1973 at Ixtapaluca, a municipality of the State of Mexico. Ixtapaluca is located 30km southeast of Mexico City along the old highway which connects the capital with Puebla. According to the Population Census of 1970, the population of the urban area of Mexico City amounts to 8.5 millions and it has an area of 650 square kilometers. The rapid urbanization of Mexico City after World War II results in the explosive increase of the population due to both the massive inflow and the high rate natural increase of population. There have been made many contributions to reveal the urbanization phenomena of Mexico City, but few studies have been made on the suburban area. The aim of this paper is to examine the mechanism of the formation of the suburban area of Ixtapaluca and to consider the characteristics of the urban fringe of Mexico City from the viewpoint of the rural-urban relationship.
Ixtapaluca has 36, 000 inhabitants in 1970. There still dominates the agricutural landscape, but on the other hand its features have changed in consequence of the location of some big factories which took place after the beginnings of the 1950's, and that of the leisure center for the upper class residents in the capital city after 1970. The introduction of these urban industries affected the structure of the active population of Ixtapaluca; the proportions of those engaged in the secondary and the tertiary industries are increasing in contrast to the decrease of that in the primary industries.
The main agricultural products of Ixtapaluca are alfalfa, maize, beet and barley. The most important factor which affects the characteristics of the Ixtapaluca agriculture is the land tenure system. In spite of the land reform, a considerable acreage of the agricultural land is still concentrated in the hands of a small number of large landed proprietors. There exist 10 estates, “ranchos” or “haciendas”, each of which manage more than 100 hectares and possess altogether about 30% of the total arable land. These landed proprietors are in many cases specialized in the fresh milk production. For example, the Guadalupe rancho has about 300 cows and produces 300 liters of fresh milk a day. This rancho possesses the processing and the transportation facilities, and sells directly to the dealer in Mexico City at 3 pesos a bottle. The total acreage of the arable land of this rancho is slightly over 100 ha, which consists of the properties of four brothers. The irrigated land occupies about 40% and is utilized for the fodder production.
In Ixtapaluca, besides these large landed proprietors, there are another group of so-called minifundistas and that of peons and jornajes (day laborors) who possess no land. Peons and jornajes take up a considerablly high percentage (62%) of the total population engaged in agriculture. The minifundistas engage mainly in the production of maize. The surplus of this producion is sold to the estates and also to the intermediaries at very low price. The fresh milk industry that is favored by the proximity to the capital is carried out rather exclusively by the large landed proprietors because the minifundistas generally lack in capital. The income level of the minifundistas and the agricultural laborors is so low that their condition is better regarded as underemployment.
The location of modern big factories in Ixtapaluca has had no sufficient effect on the absorption of the local underemployed population. About 60-70% of the workers of the factories in Ixtapaluca are residents of the municipality, but most of them are those who have immigrated here within these ten years from the other parts of the State of Mexico and from the State of Puebla to get new jobs in factories. One of the factors which precluded the local people from the newly created labor market is their low education standard.

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The purpose of this treatise is to analyze the regional structure of the medical instrument industry in Tokyo, which is one of the typical small industries.
The production center of the medical instrument industry in Japan is Tokyo, with about one half of the country's production. The majority of makers are very small in scale and employ 29 workers or less.
Medical instruments are of many kinds and the users are widely dispersed. However, the wholesalers, mostly located in Bunkyo Ward (Central Tokyo), have an overwhelming control of the market, and with their control of distribution, they have power over the manufacturers.
Under the control of the wholesalers, the majority of the medical instrument makers are located in Bunkyo Ward and extends into Arakawa Ward, Sumida Ward in the eastern district of the Keihin Industrial Area.
The makers are tightly and functionally connected with the wholesalers.
In this concentrated area, there are various kinds of subcontractors that form the bottom structure of the areal production system of the medical instrument industry in Tokyo.

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