Since the second half of the 1970's, there have been many studies in the literature of tourism on the spatial behavior pattern. But most of these studies have failed to built a general model of tourist space, focusing too closely on specific facts derived from simple correlation analysis between a certain spatial pattern and other socioeconomic or spatio-temporal variables. In the present article, we discuss the fundamental geographical notions of region and distance, creating a concentric tourist spatial model by integrating two existing models: S. C. Plog's (1973) and J.-M. Miossec's (1977). What we mean by the concentric model is that the trip “distance” influences the tourist's behavior, perception and the frequency of trips, and vice versa.
We collected the data for this study in September 1992 at an elementary school in Yokohama (a large city situated about 30km south of Tokyo). It is a binary matrix of 338 recreational family trips from Yokohama in the line and 94 tourist-/trip-variables in the row which indicate different types of tourists and trip patterns. Trip-variables include destination (s), trip duration, trip organizer, group composition, means of transportation, nature of activity at the destination, tourist's image of the destination, etc. Tourist-variables include quantity of information and ability to use it, duration of holidays, expenditures for tourism and frequency of recreational trips per year, etc.
First of all, we showed how several “tourism regions” (S. L. J. Smith, 1989) are created by the two “regionalizations” (Smith): the regionalization based on the denomination by tourists of the destination zone and the regionalization based on the route taken in a real trip.
Next, we summarized the trip matrix data and verified the concentric spatial model, applying Hayashi's “theory of the quantification 3” -mathematically almost the same analysis as the correspondence analysis in the Anglo-Saxon or French world. This analysis of quantification changes the original and arbitrary arrangement of the trips on the axis of the line into a new significant and revealing arrangement (simultaneously, every trip is given a quantity indicating its point on the axis). In other words, this method locates closely on the axis trips which resemble each other in their reaction pattern to the variables, and it distances trips which do not resemble each other. This analysis also changes the original arrangement of the variables on the axis of the row into a new meaningful arrangement; it locates closely/distances the variables according to their reaction pattern to the trips. This analysis replaces, in fact, both the trips and the variables on the axes in order to keep the highest possible correlation between the quantified trips and the quantified variables. The highest possible correlation means the new arrangements of the trips and of the variables have the same structure and the same meaning. Thus this analysis creates from one original binary matrix several new binary matrices independent from each other which summarize the data structure of tourist behavior, whereby the first matrix is the most important, and the second matrix is the second most important. We can explain these new matrices with the variable-axes.
We found three important variable-axes: the trip “distance” (the most important element), the nature of the activity in the destination zone and the tourist's ability to travel (economic status and information level). Observing the three-dimensional data space composed by these axes, we found one dominant and five secondary variable masses of the tourist's profile and behavior pattern. The dominant one is about a two day 100km family trip, not planned by a tourist agency but by the family itself, for the purpose of enjoying nature and practicing sports.

抄録全体を表示

The aim of this paper is to clarify the subjective classification of lands in a shifting cultivation village, relating to the social framework of forest-land ownership and the spatial formation of forest-land use. For this purpose, the author attempted to describe the villager's knowledge of the forest-lands in a mountain village.
The author chose a mountain village, Onaru in Omogo-mura, Ehime Prefecture, as a case study. Onaru is a remote village in the Shikoku Mountains, and the settlement is located on slopes at about 850m above the sea.
In Onaru, equal ownership of forest-lands by the villagers gradually collapsed after about 1900. There then arose a difference in the scale of holdings of forest-lands, and the lands owned by each of the villagers became scattered. Most of the forest-lands were privately owned, covered by lots for shifting cultivation and fallow. However, the outer zone of the territory in Onaru was common land and covered by natural forests. The villagers engaged in shifting cultivation on their own or rented fields, before the rapid depopulation in the 1960's. They rotated crops of corn, wheat, potatoes and so on, for staple foods, and mitsumata (materials for paper), for selling.
In order to elucidate the villagers' recognition of their lands, the author examined their knowledge of the lands, showing 117 Koaza (small place names) of Onaru. Koaza were written in the land register book made in the 1880's, and there were many suffixes signifying landforms and plants. The results can be summarized as follows:
It was found that the villagers classify their lands based on conditions such as slope, altitude, sunshine, wind and soil. For example, they distinguished between hiura (slope in the sun) and kageyama (slope out of the sun), ma-tsuchi (soil adapted to mitsumata) and onji-tsuchi (soil adapted to potatoes).
The knowledge held by each villager was not only rich, but also homogeneous. The reason for this can be thought of as follows: Knowledge was important for both landowners and tenant farmers to select land for cultivation. In addition, it can be indicated that swidden lands were widely scattered in the territory of Onaru, and the villagers jointly burned the thickets to shift each others' location.
The subjectfve classification of lands in Onaru was based on the villagers' indigenous knowledge. It was obtained through the management of shifting cultivation, which used forest-lands adapted to the local environment.

抄録全体を表示

Although in previous studies it is well known that the Japanese urban system is characterized by a hierarchical structure such as Christaller's model, we have not so deeply examined the features of non-hierarchical structures as seen in urban linkages. In an advanced country it is naturally important for studies in urban systems to analyze economic linkages in large multilocational organizations which have played an important role in growing urban systems. While administrative organizations generally consist of a hierarchical structure, branch networks of large companies do not perfectly correspond to a hierarchical urban structure but can also include partially horizontal linkages between neighboring cities of the same order, as shown in Pred's model. Can Pred's model sufficiently explain Japanese urban systems? The aim of this paper is to clarify economic linkages between Japanese cities by analyzing bank branch networks of each of 145 commercial banks in Japan and the location of new branches established in the last 20 years. The main results analyzed are summarized as follows:
1. By analyzing the metropolitan share of employees engaged in branches and head officies in three metropolitan areas for each of 145 banks (Fig. 1) and additionally by observing the regional distribution of branches, the commercial banks can be classified into five types: national type, metropolitan area type, metropolis-surrounding type, regional type and prefectural type. Although most of the so-called city bank belong to the national type in such a classification, bank branches of this type are not located in all the main cities of the whole country such as regional metropolises, most prefectural capitals, etc. Similarly, branches of regional banks except city banks are not distributed extensively in small and medium-sized cities outside their own prefecture where the headquarters are located, but only in the main centers of the neighboring prefectures and regional metropolises which means linkages are with neighboring cities of almost the same order and non-iherarchical linkages to higher order centers. Bank branches of the regional type are distributed in wider areas than those of the prefectural type located only in it, but not in the whole area of a province, across their own prefecture. Thus, there is no great difference between banks of both types. Moreover, regional and prefectural types can be subdivided into two types respectively due to the different distribution of branches.
2. The fact that the distribution areas of branches tend to be limited within their own prefecture is explained by two reasons: less knowledge of the situation of branches outside their own prefecture, and the control of the Ministry of Finance as a legal authority that permits a preferential setting for banks within their own prefecture. But in areas with close economic relations across the boundary between neighboring prefectures such as between Okayama and Hiroshima Prefectures we can recognize a partial intermixture of branch networks.
3. Most banks of the metropolis-surrounding type have many branches in their neighboring metropolitan area while they lack linkages with regional metropolises. This stems from the fact that their close economic linkages are mostly specialized in the metropolitan area. By contrast, as the headquarters of banks are located far from a metropolitan area, the linkages with it becomes relatively loose. Such banks set branches not only in metropolises, especially in Tokyo, but also in regional metropolises and the neighboring main cities outside their own prefecture. Accordingly, in areas remote from a metropolitan area regional metropolises lead to play an important role as a regional center; as shown in Figure 4, banks prefer to establish their branches in regional metropolises.

抄録全体を表示

At present, the theoretical framework and viewpoint of social geographical analyses of education are at the stage of formation, trial and error. It is important at this stage to examine the themes and results of geography and its related disciplines on education. The purpose of this paper is to identify distinctive themes of social geographical analyses of education and to examine their analytical methods, with due consideration for educational sociology, one of the nearest disciplines to social geographical analyses of education.
In the field of educational sociology in Japan since the 1980's, great interest has been aroused in the structural principles of education and society as social problems. Also it has been seen as important to question the stratified society of Japan in connection with unequal chances to receive an education. So the problem of to what extent education contributes to the reproduction of an unequaly stratified social system has been dealt from the viewpoint of cultural reproduction theory. In this way, educational sociology examined facets like educational careers, stratified culture, life course and gender. It adopts four approaches: historical, quantitative, system -theoretical and hermeneutic. These approaches have been or can be developed also in geography.
In contrast to educational sociology, geographical analyses of education have shown two research directions. One examines regional disparities in education and their effects on the inhabitants of that region. The other considers locational problems of educational institutions from an administrative viewpoint. In these two streams, the former is more inclined to social geographical analysis than the latter. In this case social geography encounters the problem that spatial differences in both standards of education and ability are formed by individuals or society, which is an assembly of individuals, neither by the region itself nor space. But society is inseparable from region and space. So spatially reproductive processes of regional disparities are at work with Bourdieu's cultural reproductive processes. And this furnishes an important, noticeable theme in social geographical analyses of education.
To examine those processes, we are able to use approaches which have been adopted by educational sociology. Results from time-geography, which parallels the viewpoint of life course in educational sociology, and core-periphery theory will provide important suggestions for emphasizing spatial aspects.

抄録全体を表示