While deregulation and trade liberalization are now in progress internationally, the importation of agricultural products is also increasing rapidly in Japan. To cope with this development, there has been a trend towards the pursuit of intensive agriculture and higher value-added products in agricultural regions. In this paper, the author discusses the example of forced-grown mandarins to investigate the influence its popularity has had on the market and on agricultural areas.
Two particular points of significance of the impact of forced-grown mandarins on the market were found in Gamagoori city, Aichi Prefecture. The first is that new products were provided in the summer market in which fruits were scarcely supplied. The second was that the quality of naturally grown mandarins improved. This is due to demand for quality naturally grown mandarins as a result of competition with forced-grown mandarins which have a high quality in the September market.
In addition, the significance to agricultural areas can be summarized as follows. First, was the expansion of the basis of the labor force due to the fact that the succeeding generation of the farming family returned from their non-agricultural occupations. This was in large measure a consequence of the characteristics of forced-grown mandarins, such as higher profits, longer harvest times, higher productivity per unit area of land and tolerance of different weather regimes. The second point is the facilitation of intensive management in infacility growing. As a result, the scale of naturally grown mandarins became smaller while the planted mandarin species changed to early mandarins in expectation of the transplantation of mature trees to green houses. In addition, to improve the level of productivity, a large-scale development of in-house grown mandarin complexes was accomplished with some success. The third point is that farming establishments growing plants other than mandarins in their green houses appeared in response to the success of forced-grown mandarins.
However, from the viewpoint of the maintenance and reorganization of agricultural areas, there are two important limitations. The first is that part of the management of naturally grown mandarins was abandoned as a result of the intensive management of highly profitable forced-grown mandarins, and this led to a decline in the agricultural environment of surrounding mandarin farms due to damage by disease and harmful insects. The second point is that the continuation of growing mandarins by senior farmers has been made difficult due to the fact that producing forced-grown mandarins is more labor intensive than producing naturally grown mandarins and that considerable investment is required for the construction of proper facilities. As a result, there are some agricultural areas where forced-grown mandarin production is declining.
In conclusion, it cannot be said that the introduction of forced-grown mandarins has successfully resulted in a long-term activation of all growing areas throughout the country.

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The labor market in peripheral regions in Japan is characterized by very poor local market conditions. This paper focuses on the return migration of workers in order to clarify their significance in reproducing the peripherality of the local labor market. For this purpose, the author examines the relation between return migrants and the segmented structure of the local labor market by analyzing their working conditions and occupational careers. The Aira area selected for this case study is a typical peripheral region. The findings are summarized as follows:
Return migrants in the local labor market in the Aira area are divided into two types based on their working conditions-that is, (1) male white-collar workers, and (2) male blue-collar workers and female workers. The working conditions of the first type are superior to those of the second type in terms of monthly wages, method of wage payment, size of bonus and employment status. The first type is mainly observed in workers in the higher segment of the local labor market. The employees in this type possess higher educational careers and skills obtained outside of the Aira area. The second type, on the other hand, is typical of workers in the lower segment of the labor market. The employees in this type have lower educational backgrounds.
Return migration in the peripheral region is mainly characterized by the continuation of return migration attributable to conventional behavior, out-migration to obtain skills with a view to returning to the migrant's home town in the future, and return migration to take care of the migrant's family in the home town. It is clear that these characteristics affect employment strategies so that firms can make efficient use of return migrants. It was observed that the structure of the local labor market in the peripheral region is generally associated with regional and historical characteristics.

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There has begun to develop a burgeoning new problematic in recent works in human geography addressing the debate around postmodernism and the city. David Harvey's The Condition of Postmodernity (1989) and The Urban Experience (1989), and Edward Soja's Postmodern Geographies (1989) are major works on this theme. While their contribution to 'postmodern geography' is now widely accepted, they have been criticized by some feminist geographers such as Massey (1991) and Deutsche (1991) for their suppression of difference, their failure to be aware of masculinity and their lack of recognition of feminist theories of representation in their works. There is one other matter which is important in these criticisms. As Deutsche and Gregory (1994) have acutely pointed out, Harvey and Soja read the city as a distant silhouette and both accord a particular privilege to this distant view.
The purpose of the present paper is to outline a series of debates, as mentioned above, around ways of seeing the city in contemporary urban studies in general, and to undertake a critical assessment of Harvey's voyeurism in his 'Introduction' to The Urban Experience and Soja's solar Eye (looking down like a God) in 'an imaginative cruise' in particular. In addition to this purpose, I am going to suggest two directions for a postmodern geographical critique of the modernist gaze on the urban condition-the politics of representation and the politics of scale.
The second section of the paper explains the change in Harvey's attitude towards the city. We can observe this change in the transfiguration of the leading figure from a 'restless analyst' (in Consciousness and the Urban Experience) to 'the voyeur' (in The Urban Experience). Harvey, as the restless analyst, places an exaggerated importance on wandering the streets, playing 'flaneur', watching people, eavesdropping on conversations and reading local newspapers. In short, he learns more about the city and its urban condition by engaging in microgeographies of everyday life and pursuing a view from the city streets. As the voyeur, however, he makes a point of ascending to a high point and looking down upon the intricate landscape of streets, built environment and human activitv. In the 'Introduction' to The Urban Experience, Harvey so obviously prefers the view from above as a voyeuristic way of seeing the city that homogenizes street life, urban life and everyday life in a desire for legibility/readability. Thus, the privileging of the high viewpoint is his particular method of conceptualizing 'the city as a whole'. For Harvey as the voyeur, therefore, the position of restless analyst in the street 'cannot help acquiring new meaning'. This goes to his modernist sensibility.
In Postmodern Geographies, Soja introduces his most exciting essay on Los Angeles as an attempt to evoke a 'spiraling tour' around the city that he made with Frederic Jameson and Henri Lefebvre. This essay is not a mere field report, but he tries to recapture their travels as ';an imaginative cruise'! The third section of the paper points out that his 'imaginative cruise' is conducted from many vantage-points and so Soja's position on urban studies implies a Foucaldian panoptic gaze. For example, although Soja declares that 'only from the advantageous outlook of the center can the surveillant eye see everyone collectively, disembedded but interconnected', he climbs the high rise City Hall building and looks down on the landscape of downtown. The view from this site is especially impressive to Soja as one of surveillance.
What I try to show in sections 2 and 3 is that there is a great similarity between Harvey and Soja in their ways of seeing the city.

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This study examines inter-urban linkages in the international urban system between Korea and Japan through an analysis of foreign market enterprise entry. The data used in the study were obtained from various company directories and related publications in Korea and Japan.
The results can be summarized as follows:
1. The overall spatial pattern of liaison offices, branches and subsidiaries suggests that, first, the international urban system between Korea and Japan has taken shape around a nucleus of enterprises based in Seoul, Tokyo and Osaka; second, that this can be classified into two spatial structures, according to the Murayama model-one which is an inter-metropolitan network in which strong linkages between Tokyo and Seoul are clearly formed; and the other which is a vertical structure in which many non-metropolitan cities are under the control of Tokyo, Osaka and Seoul. Hence, the development of such spatial structures has led to the diversification of urban functions in the capital cities of Korea and Japan.
2. Log-linear model analysis reveals that, first, the spatial structure of liaison offices, branches and subsidiaries has strong relations with three enterprise attributes-industrial sector, foreign market entry form, and size of firm; and, second, Seoul-and Tokyo-based firms have many liaison offices, branches and subsidiary networks in various industrial sectors, foreign market entry forms, and sizes of firm. We may conclude that the areal differentiation from these three enterprise attributes has led to various functional differentiations between Korea and Japan as well as between metropolitan and non-metropolitan cities, and is the primary factor underlying the formation of a hierarchy of cities and regions.

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