This paper treats the space-time structure of the socio-demographic characteristics and activities of the Osaka Metropolitan Area in cycles of 24 hours.
This method is based on Space-time factorial ecology first devised by Taylor and Parkes (1975), for which there has been no case study applied to metropolitan areas like Osaka. But it is not always possible to extract factors that have clear meaning when the socio-demographic and time-budget variables are inputted together as in Taylor's original formula, because the two types of variables show different behaviour in ‘space-time’ as follows:
1) The socio-demographic characteristics are invariable in relation to each individual over ‘time’, but in aggregate (zonal) level the characteristics are variable when travel by the individual occurs.
2) The time-budget characteristics are closely tied up with spatial distribution of each establishment and are variable over ‘time’ in accordance with diverse urban activities.
In addition, there also exists the problem of coarse classification of industry and occupational status for the available data sets.
In order to improve the above mentioned problems and to construct a model of complicated space-time structures of metropolitan areas, the analytical technique of cross-aggregation is introduced which enables one to select variables suitable for space-time analysis, and the analytical framework is divided into two parts, from both the ‘travel’ and the ‘activity’ points of view:
«Travel in Space-Time Analysis: TSTA» is an analysis using subdivided socio-demographic variables in each space-time unit (STU) and OD flow between two successive times, in order to search for distribution and travel of specific socio-demographic groups, and
«Activity Space-Time Analysis: ASTA» is an analysis using cross-aggregated variables {socio-demographic × activity place} in each (STU), in order to classify (STU)s from activities which occur in them.
Then, the results of these two analyses are integrated‘stereographically’ to construct the intra-urban structure from both activities in (STU)s and subpopulation travels which connect them(“Urban Dynamic Map”).
A) «TSTA»
For«TSTA», procedures outlined below are followed:
A1. From the cross 64 combination {industry 8 items × occupational status 8 items}, 37 subdivided cross-aggregated variables are acquired. Then a more precise occupational classification is attempted by applying these 37 variables to space-time factor analysis.
A2. The occupational subgroups constructed from space-time factorial ecology are extracted from the result.
A3. Next the flow pattern of each subgroup existing behind the changing score pattern of space-time factor analysis is investigated.
Seven factors are extracted. The earliest four factors in particular are interpreted as follows:
Factor 1: white-collar workers
Factor 2: transportation and communication sector workers
Factor 3: manufacturing workers
Factor 4: personal service employees
It is obvious from the factor loading structure (Tab. 1) that (1) there exists some difference between daily travel-activity patterns of clerk/managers and that of field workers, in {industry × status} types.
It is recognizable from the score pattern (Fig. 2) and the travel pattern of each extracted subgroup (Tab. 2) that (2) there exist differences of separation and adjacency of residence and workplace, in regional/occupational types.
In tertiary sectors, the difference between daily travel-activity patterns of clerk/managers and that of personal service employees caused a separation into two factors (Factor 1 and Factor 4). Patterns of Factor 1 represent the separation of residence and workplace between the suburbs and the urban core.

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The aim of this paper is to clarify the locational characteristics of electric supply enterprises and the local conditions which influenced each enterprise, through case studies in central Japan before 1938.
As a result, we can identify three types of location of the electric supply enterprises:
(1) The first type of the location of the electric supply enerprises was one in urban areas. In such areas, a typical case was the‘Nagoya Electric Supply Company’established in 1889 in Aich Prefecture. This company built many electric power stations in the upper reaches of Kiso River and began to supply electric power to the urban and manufacturing areas of Aichi Prefecture, and later further to the Osaka area which was developed as the largest manufacture region in this period. Thus, this company developed to the one of the largest electric supply enterprises in Japan, absorbing many other electric supply enterprises in this area, changing its name to‘Toho Electric Supply Company’in 1922. A new company, ‘Daido Electric Supply Company’was separated from the‘Nagoya Electric Supply Company’.
In this process, the‘Toho Electric Supply Company’and‘Daido Electric Supply Company’ were developed together and could exchange their electric power to fill the increased demand from electric power stations spread increasingly at the upper reaches of large rivers supported by the improvement of techniques in the generation and transmission of electric power.
(2) The second type was one located in the traditional manufacturing areas, such as raw silk manufactures in Nagano Prefecture in central Japan. Raw silk manufacturing had developed in central Japan before World War II, based on increasing exports. The Suwa area in Nagano Prefecture was famous for this manufacturing. In the early days, many managers of this manufacturing weren't interested in electric power as their power source. But, later, they introduced electric power to increase their production, and they planned eagerly to establish many electric supply enterprises and manage these enterprises.
Thus, electric power that was produced by these companies was mainly demanded by such raw silk making manufacturing in the Suwa area in the middle of Nagano Prefecture.
(3) The third type was one located in the mountain areas, which was established by the public sector, managed by the authority of towns and villages. In peripheral areas, especially in the mountain areas in central Japan, the supply of electric power had to be managed by public sectors in each small village, because the larger electric supply enterprises could not economically supply electric power to these areas, due to their low demand for electric power. Kamisato Village in Nagano Prefecture was one such case. At first, all of the villagers wanted electric power to be supplied by one of the electric power enterprises. But the enterprise agreed to supply electric power only to a part of this village. Thus a conflict between the electric power enterprise and villagers occured.
After this, the villagers made a decision to establish a new public enterprise to supply electric power to each household in the village. This could be accomplished because the village had extensive forest land and forest resources, and created a large fund by cutting and selling timbers.

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The aim of this paper is to discuss the relations of spatial inequality in really existing socialism through critical reconsideration of the previous literature, and to propose some alternative ideas to elabotate the problem.
Three approaches were adopted in the present study: First of all, the theoretical aspects of the problem are discussed. Secondly, through analysing the changing regional policies in postwar socialist Poland, the author attempts to make clear whether there existed efficient and consistent regional policies to eliminate the spatial disparities in Poland. Third, the actual conditions of the regional disparities are measured and escribed in the later section of this paper. Finally, the author presents his interpretations on the inequalities under socialism in a spatial context, and proposes to introduce some alternative ideas in order to elaborate the previous discussions on this theme.
Regional equality under socialism is defined by saying that every individual in society has to have equal access to economic, social and cultural opportunities, including spatially equal access, within the social, occupational and ethnic groups.
Fuchs, R. J. & Demko, G. J.'s paper, focusing on the spatial equality problems under existing socialism, started their discussions from the firm faith that socialism is incompatible with spatial inequality and that regional policies should eliminate regional disparities. Many scholars considered different aspects of this problem using this premise. This common view in recent studies is the object of criticism by the author of this paper, because the ideological bases for equalization are so vague and indefinite and no one has justified the theoretical commitment to the elimination of spatial inequality.
Endowments of nature are in themselves an incidential result, and natural resources, land conditions and potentials for development and so on are arbitrarily and unevenly distributed on the earth. As it is still impossible to overcome the factor of economic distance in economic development, under present conditions of economic development, the geographical distribution of economic processes should be uneven for the further development of economy.
The spatial structure of national economy in really existing socialism is indeed geographically uneven, and it has a reasonable foundation.
Regional policies in socialist Poland have been a part of comprehensive national development strategies. However, they have been inconsistent, and not strong enough to eliminate the regional inequalities, because the principle of economic efficiency was given priority over the principle of regional equality through the process of economic development in the postwar period.
According to the Polish experience, the regional disproportions have been firmly diminishing, but the velocity of diminishing regional disparities has been slow and weak under the socialist regional policies. A long range persistence of spatial inequalities has been revealed in spite of the socialist regional policies.
The author measured the degree of spatial inequalities in Poland on the basis of official data (Tab. 1, Tab. 3). The exisitence of regional disparities in economic indicators was clarified, and regional differences of economic development reflected on regional resources allocation, location of population and urban centers, exisiting regional structure and so on. However, equalization in living conditions and other social indicators was rather evident. The most important element was the fact that an historical trend of spatial equalization could be clearly observed (Fig. 4, Fig. 5).
Three aspects of the spatial inequality problems were examined. As a result, it seems impossible to eliminate spatial inequality in the economic or production context in any social system. Spatial equalization in social processes were however much stronger in Poland.

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