本稿は二次的自然の卓越する日本の農山村地域でのエコツーリズム開発の問題について論じる。長野県飯田市を中心に行われている学校教育旅行（その多くが修学旅行）の事例をみると，環境保全を強調するエコツアー本来の概念の適用はあまり適切とはいえない。筆者らは従来の修学旅行や遠足・研修旅行などの学校教育旅行にみられるマスツーリズム的要素と，その代替的な観光である体験ツアーや農家民泊プログラムを組み合わせていくことの重要性を強調したい。これは学校教育旅行の「エコ化」過程として位置づけられる。地域の自然環境・天然資源やその特性とともに，地元の歴史や伝統文化・生活の仕組みも学ぶ方式は，環境省によって日本型「エコツーリズム」の一つの類型と定義されている。

本稿の意義は，なぜ第三セクター方式の観光株式会社が日本の農村地域の活性化に有効かを経済的・社会的に明らかにすることである。この説明から，日本では環境省が主導した「エコツーリズム」と，農林水産省が中心になってきた「グリーン・ツーリズム」の名称上の違いと実質内容の類似性という日本的特徴を指摘する。分析考察から得られた教訓は，エコツーリズムの経済的規模を増加させることの必要性である。今後，持続可能な観光を発展させねばならないベトナムなど発展途上国では，地方政府にとって，この事業はたいへん有意義なものである。最終章では「飯田モデル」の次の２つの問題点を議論する。１）エコツアー参加者のプログラムに対する満足度，２）民泊を提供する農家世帯に対しての現状と改善のための提言。

This paper uses the case of disaster prevention activities in Nagoya to consider the potential of voluntary organizations in local governance run by the voluntary and public sectors. To this end, the paper first traces how voluntary organizations and local governance are developed, and then shows the functions, problems and geographical characteristics of that local governance.

The recent voluntary activities related to disaster prevention in Nagoya derive from experiences of voluntary activities in the Great Hanshin-Awaji Earthquake in Kobe in 1995. Many people in Nagoya were involved with voluntary activities in Kobe, and some of them established an NPO in Nagoya to maintain continued support for victims and to prepare for future disasters based on the knowledge gained by ‘studying the affected area.’ Then a massive flood struck the Nagoya area in 2000. From this experience, the government of Nagoya City recognized the importance of voluntary activities at times of disaster, and launched a training program for coordinators of disaster volunteers in 2002, which was outsourced to the NPO. As the city government was not well informed about voluntary activities, the NPO was able to conduct the program based on its own knowledge and ideals. This program triggered the establishment of more community-oriented groups for disaster prevention in Nagoya. In parallel, these groups and the NPO tried to develop a relationship between voluntary organizations and the public sector to more effectively conduct their activities. Eventually, a collaborative framework (local governance) on disaster prevention between the voluntary and public sectors was established in 2005.

This governance provides support for afflicted people at times of disaster, and contributes to disaster prevention activities in normal times in Nagoya. Institutionally, the geographical area of the governance corresponds to the territory of the city, but the governance has links to voluntary organizations and supports affected areas outside Nagoya. Knowledge and information acquired through external relationships and activities outside Nagoya are used in activities in Nagoya. The reason why the local governance constructed these links was because this governance was constructed mainly on the initiative of the voluntary organizations, and so the principles behind their activities, such as ‘studying the affected area,’ can be maintained.

Through these findings, this paper argues that voluntary organizations have the potential to take key roles in constructing and managing local governance run by the voluntary and public sectors, without losing their autonomy.

Japanese premium beef called wagyu has a global market potential with its eating quality. However, it is not Japan but Australia that has significantly expanded its export. Australia is now the largest wagyu supplier in the global market, which notably includes Hong Kong, Korea, Singapore, and Dubai. As so-called “wagyu” in Australia is cross-bred, it is not always identical to the authentic Japanese wagyu in terms of genetics or quality. Nevertheless, Australian wagyu beef has been highly valued in top restaurants and hotels outside Japan. This paper illustrates the development of the wagyu industry in Australia by focusing on the dynamics of the beef supply chain, and examines the future of the industry.

Wagyu was first introduced to Australia via the U. S. A. in the early 1990s. Before the 2000s, Australian wagyu used to be grain-fed by Japanese feedlots only for the Japanese market, but the market shrunk dramatically after the outbreak of BSE followed by the stricter labeling regulations in Japan. For making up the missed market, Australian wagyu was promoted domestically and to other Asian countries by Australian feedlots.

The wagyu beef supply chain in Australia is as follows: Stud breeders supply wagyu bulls for commercial breeders, and the commercial breeders cross-breed the bulls with their female cattle. Those cross-bred steers are supplied to feedlots, where wagyu cattle are grain-fed for 300-500 days. The feedlots promote their wagyu brand for the international markets, and the markets are expanding spurred on by economic growth and the boom in Japanese cuisine. There are reportedly around 10,000 full-blood wagyu cattle and 130,000 cross-bred wagyu cattle in Australia in 2012.

Although wagyu became popular globally in the late 2000s, the wagyu supply chain in Australia is facing a greater risk caused by the overlong feeding-period with the high grain prices and inconsistent beef quality. Smaller producers in the chain are withdrawing, and several companies are integrating the chain vertically instead. Those integrated companies will be the pivotal player in the wagyu industry in Australia, and they may further improve the quality of Australian wagyu. It should also be noted that the genetic resources of wagyu such as semen and embryos are being exported further abroad, and that will potentially lead to increasing wagyu production in other countries in Asia, Europe, and South America.

This paper aims to present evidence showing that internal migration affects fertility decline which is called the Second Demographic Transition.

In Japan, the trend of fertility decline has become obvious since around 1990. This trend is mainly caused by the late-marriage tendency of women born in and after the 1960s and 1970s. In addition, more women of these generations migrate into the Tokyo metropolitan area and tend to remain living there. This change in the migration pattern contributed to the expansion of net-migration to the Tokyo metropolitan area since the later half of the 1990s. Women born in the 1960s and 1970s play a major role in these two phenomena, and an idea is hypothesized that there is some sort of relationship between fertility decline and the expansion of the net-migration to the Tokyo metropolitan area since the later half of the 1990s. To approach this relationship, this paper tries to investigate whether marriage behavior in the Tokyo metropolitan area is different from the places where the women come from. Therefore the proportion of unmarried women who migrated into the Tokyo metropolitan area before getting married and that of the women who come from Tokyo there were compared.

The results show that the difference of the proportion of unmarried women (that of the women who migrated into the Tokyo metropolitan area before getting married minus that of the women who come from there) has expanded greatly in the 30-34 and 35-39 year-old age cohorts in the women born in and after the years 1966-1970. This result means that in the newer generation, the women who migrated into the Tokyo metropolitan area before getting married have a stronger tendency to late marriage than the women who come from there. However, the tendency to late marriage of the women who migrated into the Tokyo metropolitan area before getting married has only a slight influence on the proportion of unmarried women in the Tokyo metropolitan area and in Japan.