This paper's aim is to clarify the spatial organization of Nissan Ltd and its parts suppliers, especially first-tier suppliers in Japan. Nissan has built up a more deconcentrated production region, unlike Toyota and Mazda. Nissan has five car assembly plants and four engine and transmission plants in Japan. Three old assemly plants are located in the Kanto Region, including the Tokyo Metropolitan Area, one in the North-Kanto Region, and the newest in the Kyushu Region 1, 000km distant from Tokyo.
Nissan organized its subcontractors and part suppliers into cooperative groups, “Takara-kai” in 1954 and “Shoho-kai” in 1966. The latter consisted of a large number of large-sized suppliers. In accordance with the rapid increase in car production in Japan since the 1960's, Nissan's parts makers enlarged production capacity with Nissan's financial and technological support. Nissan had almost no need to do business with new parts suppliers while demand.
Many of Nissan's suppliers constructed large-sized plants in the suburbs of Tokyo, because of increased production in the 1960s. Old parts plants in Tokyo have reduced and stopped operations with the urbanization of Tokyo. The opening of new assembly plants, The Tochigi plant in 1971 and the Kyushu plant in 1975, caused suppliers to move. Many parts plants were built near Nissan's new plants in order to deliver components under the JIT system. Nissan's subsidiary companies, especially, seem to set up plants close to Nissan's new plants.
Generally, spatial proximity to an assembly plant depends on business and capital relations with Nissan, division of production between branch plants, and characteristics of the products in transportation. Bulky components, like seats and bumpers, required relative higher transportation cost. Firms producing them, are more likely to locate close to the assemblers. Small-parts suppliers, such as bolt or nut manufacturers, need not locate near the customer, because of lower transportation cost. They produce in a large-volume to increase scale merit, rather than build plants near assembly plants.
A number of parts manufacturers entrust JIT delivery to the forwarding agents. Almost all parts are delivered to the assemblers by truck several times a day while bulky components manufacturers often posses subsidiaries created for transportation.
Nissan is now undergoing restructuring of domestic production. It invested in the Kyushu plant being as important for the future, while the Zama assembly plant, established in the Kanto Region in 1965 is closing down. But most suppliers still have their main factories located in the old production region, Kanto or North-Kanto. There is a mismatch in the strategy of division of production in domestic plants between Nissan and its suppliers.

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Cooperative Department Stores (CDS) have been established in low-order central places by local small businesses since the 1970's, proceeding with modernization of the rural retail structure of Japan. To establish CDS is one of the Modernization Projects of Smaller Businesses which the Small Business Corporation promotes. CDS were established to reorganize competitive retail structure within a region, when remodeling shopping streets did not change it. In addition, CDS were managed with united efforts, unlike ordinary shopping centers. The research of CDS is one of the rare subjects through which we can approach the regional retail structure on the analytical level of management of businesses.
One of the purposes of this paper is to clarify the processes of planning and establishing CDS, and the other is to characterize their organization and management. The study area is the Tonami Region, Toyama Prefecture, where CDS are densely distributed. For the latter purpose, the case study is limited to two central places, Demachi (the central settlement of Tonami City) and Fukumistu, charecteristics of which are compared. Demachi is the central place where the CDS was first established in the Tonami Region. A CDS was established in a part of the remodeled shopping streets in Fukumitsu.
The results obtained about the processes of planning and establishing CDS are summarized as follows:
1) In Demachi, the CDS was established in opposition to the advance of a large-scaled retail business outside the region. As the shopping center and the CDS were established, the retail trading area of Demachi was greatly expanded.
2) The expansion of the area urged to establish agricultural cooperarative markets and shopping centers including CDS in central places around Demachi -in Isurugi, Fukuno, Inami, Toide, Johana and Fukumitsu. The opposition within a central place (Demachi) caused the competition between central places in the southern Tonami Region.
3) All CDS established in the middle of the 1970's were located on the inner fringe of central settlements, not far from the central shopping streets. Vacant factory lots were often selected as sites for CDS.
4) Owing to increasing motor traffic, parking lots have been increasingly wanted since the late of the 1970's. Some of shopping centers established after the 1980's were located on farmland of the outer fringe of the central settlements.
5) Chain stores did not occupy shopping centers including CDS, but opened as small-scaled supermarkets by themselves after the late of 1970's. Such a trend was related to the localized application of the Large-Scaled Retail Stores Act.
6) As the retail trading area in the Tonami Region was reorganized by the new advance of much larger-scaled stores than the exisiting ones into Isurugi and Demachi, the second shopping center in Fukuoka was established, and the CDS in Inami and Fukuno were moved and enlarged. These shopping centers were established under more explicit administrative controls to insist on their close relation to each region. The case of the CDS in Fukumitsu was a leading one of the project.
The main results obtained about the organization and management of CDS:
1) Before the cooperatives were established, the essential porcedures to establish CDS (financial program, selection of sites and recruitment of members) had been carried out.
2) Investments and construction funds which each member of the corporatives contributed were assigned in proportion to the occupation area and according to the story which each member occupied. As construction funds were often alloted for the costs of enlarging and remodelling the building, members that were to do business for a long term contributed the funds to the cooperatives. Reserves to redeem the Funds for Modernization of Smaller Businesses were assessed to each member, as well.

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It has been said there are three general types of backward capital countries: staggered structure types, types lacking a national economy, and colonial types. This paper will take up India as a case study of the colonial type of country and will examine the process of change in an Indian city structure during the formation of the capitalist system. The research up until now of cities in colonial India has strongly emphasized the colonial aspect of the city. It has examined the relationship between British rule policy and the formation of the city.
However, such research has insufficiently considered the character of British rule policy, and the historical and regional characteristics peculiar to colonial India. It has more specifically ignored the British policy of“divide and rule”, which led to differences between British India and the Indian States. It has also overlooked historical and regional differences, in particular, the differences between northern and southern India.
With these above factors in mind, this paper will focus on Mysore, the capital of an Indian State controlled by a Hindu royal family. It will also examine the differences in the characteristics of the colonial city in general, as compared to Mysore, a somewhat different“royal city”.
The conclusions of this paper are as follows:
1) As for the process of change in the city structure, one can see four periods in reaction to the changing fortunes of the royal family: a) Pre-restoration (-1799), b) Post-restoration (1800-1831), c) Rule by British commissioners (1831-1881), and finally d) Post-rendition (1881-1947). The Post-rendition period can furthermore be divided into two subperiods, the Pre-CITB (City Improvement Trust Board) establishment (1881-1903), and the Post-CITB establishment (1903-1947).
2) In Mysore, there was no residential segregation based on race. In the more typical colonial city of Calcutta, the inferior living conditions of the Indian residential district were a problem, but in Mysore city planning was not implemented throughout the entire city region. Remarkably, there was no problem of racial segregation. However, even in Mysore, indirect British influence at the local level created a kind of segregation. For example, the British arranged for the preservation of open spaces in the eastern part of the city for the aesthetic pleasure of an important British official. The effect of this resembled segregation in that this eastern area was populated mainly by the British, but still segregation on the scale of that in Calucutta did not exist in Mysore.
3) The development of Mysore occurred in a mutual and synergistic fashion with the nearby city of Bangalore. Mysore developed as a royal city, a tourist city, and as a cultural city. Bangalore developed as a colonial city, an industrial city, and as an administrative city. Thus, the functions of each city assisted in the development of the other.
4) The meaning of“tradition”in Mysore is unique. In otherwords, because many of the historical buildings in Mysore were constructed at the begining of this century, they do not possess a tradition in the sense that the buildings are old. Instead, these buildings have a so-called“traditional”atmosphere in the sense that they represent a mixture of Hindu ideals and modern European architecture. This building style was ordered by the Hindu princes in an effort to synthesize Hindu values with modern European ideas.

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Today the service economy is evident in the developed countries. In particular, producer services are rapidly increasing their employment and their output. They influence “space”, and create a new spatial pattern of the urban system and the internal structure of the cities.
This paper aims to review the studies on the geography of producer services in Europe and North America, especially in the UK and the USA. The author emphasizes the theoretical approaches. The main themes are:
1) Export and economic base theory.
2) Office location.
3) Industrial linkages.
4) Social and spatial divisions of labor.
5) Structural changes.
6) Regional uneven development.
7) Urban systems.
Before reviewing these themes, we must consider the economists' attitude to service industries. Their attitude is generally negative toward service industries, and does not properly evaluate the relationship between manufacturing and service industries. Today, this relationship has begun to be modified and regarded as interdependent because producer services influence the performance of manufacturing.
J. N. Marshall and P. W. Daniels are eagerly studying producer services, but the approach of Marshall is different from that of Daniels, because Marshall's approach stems from“industrial linkages”, while Daniels' comes from“office location”. They have studied each theme and recognized producer services as important. Marshall stresses the linkage between manufacturing and producer services, and Daniels emphasizes the offices which are occupied by producer services.
The findings of the review are as follows:
1) In general, economic geographers have not regarded services as a“basic industry” until now because consumer services were prominent. But recently some geographers are acknowledging the interregional trade in producer services and look on it as an important economic base for all metropolitan areas.
2) The location of producer services is associated with office location, because services are traded by means of offices. For this reason, some geographers argue that the location of producer services influences office location especially in the urban core region.
3) Producer services are closely related to manufacturing or other industries. This relationship is starting to be emphasized these days. Furthermore, recent works stress that producer services are not necessarily dependent on manufacturing, and the linkages between them are interdependent.
4) As producer services grow, their functions are differentiating. And it is now pointed out that spatial division of labor has emerged here as well as in manufacturing. But according to the recent literature, the pattern of spatial division of labor of producer services is little different from that of manufacturing, because the“peripheral”function of producer services includes also high-order activities.
5) Recently, some researchers have explained the prominence of producer services in the context of“structural changes”. This is the reason why producer services growth is associated with flexible production systems or corporate restructuring which are derived from structural changes in the economy.
6) The discussion about spatial division of labor in producer services has developed into an interest in regional uneven development. Some geographers attribute this fact to the uneven distribution of producer service employment and facilities, and they argue that the core area benefits from much employment and high-order functions of the producer service, while the peripheral area is disadvantaged by the poor performance of producer service activities.
7) The relationship between producer services and urban systems is now considered very important because producer services create a new hierarchical pattern.

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