While comparing the ways of naming places in Japan, I have brought together data revealed in existing materials and by on the spot investigations made while in Java during the war. Place names in Java originally derive chiefly from the Djawa, Sunda, and Madura tongues of the Malay language groups, and the influence of the Hindu culture which was dominant until about the fifteenth century is quite pronounced. Over against this, Islam, the dominating religion of the present exercises but small influence. And the few place names from the Dutch were crased following independence.
First, in connection with the roots of the name “Djawa” I have introduced the opinion set farth by Prof. Purbatjaraka in his “Rice” and the theory resting upon the common expression “pulo dawa” (long island). In what follows I shall explain the numerous and not so numerous origins of Javanese place names. Outstanding are the extreely large number of instances where village names come from coupling the names of plants and animals, particularly with river (kali, tji), spring (sumber) and pool (kedung).
Severally it may be said that names are taken plain and simply directly from the surrounding natural scene and that many of them are directly linked with a naïvelife, very concrete, obvious, and without design. The Javanese tend to link auspicious names for historic places and principal towns (e.g. Djakarta=City of Success) and this manner of name-giving was favored even for the big plantations developed after the arrival of the Dutch. Their form and volcanic activity are reflected just as they are in the names of mountains. By connecting even bazzar (pasar) which are the heart of the farming village's economy to specific market days place names are formed. A want of interest in the sea is shown by the lack of place names alleeding to coves, harbars, ports and beaches. It is thus also with fisheries. The lack of place names having to do with communications and the military as well as with the names of crops including rice, beasts of burden, and particularly with paddies, fields and plains is altogether unexpected. Place names whose origins have to do with religions belief are to be seen occasionally (e.g. Priangan=Per-hijang-an Place of Gods) but rather than sacred terms of the Hindu era or even Islamic institutions giving names to villages, cases where villages lend their names to them are numerous. And there are no names associating religious edifices with villages. Even names connected with minig and the nature of the land practically nonexistant.

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Though cities supposed that provincial towns such as Nanao in Ishikawa Prefecture bear comparatively few relationships either geographical or economic to other areas, I have looked into the question of what sorts of regions Nanao does have relationships with, locally with the surrounding communities within the prefecture and nationally.
First of all, the word “sphere”, used together with a number of terms-sphere of influence, social sphere, the economic shpere-is likely to be interpreted somewhat differently by each writer. In taking a provincial town as my theme I use “sphere” to suggest the area wherein the town has a system of relationships, hence my meaning is rather broad.
In the case of Nanao, in the same manner that all the other small towns on the Noto Peninsula serve as local centers, Nanao in addition to performing its function as a primary center stands about the other towns by performing functions as a secondary center.
Furtheremore from a nation-wide purspective considering where Nanao makes its purchases it has connections with nearly every town in the country and we perceive that its sphere of relationships is unexpectedly large. Too, the same fact is apparent when observing the destinations of travellers, throughout Kansai (those bound for Amagasaki and Kobe are numerous) and to the Nagoya and Keihin districts. Within Hokuriku my attention was drawn to the fact that there are a good many travellers to Niigata. In the same way there is, on the whole, also a strong relationship in the movement of goods between western Japan and Nanao.

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The authors studied a basis of the rural industries, especially the connection between industry and agriculture, on the foot of the Kanto mountains. In this area the farmers cannot get a living only with the agriculture because of the low productivity under the bad natural conditions of the foot of the mountains, so they must have introduced some rural industries for the purpose of additional earning.
The farmers' side-businesses in this area are sericulture, dairying, firewood and charcoal production, rural industries, and wage earning. The farmers cultivating above 1 Cho (1 hectare) are usually performing sericulture and dairying on one hand, and those performing the rural industries are, on the other hand, mainly cultivating 0.5-1 Cho or non-cultivating. The farmers under 0.5 Cho are rather getting their livelihood by wage earning.
The rural industries in this area are Japanese-paper industry, furniture industry and silk industry. The number of workers in each factory are all less than ten, including women who are largely factory owner's family. Most factory owners are also engaged in the agriculture. As the scale of farming is closely related to the amount of the Japanese-paper production, the main producers of paper are 0.5-1 Cho farmers. The farmers under 0.5 Cho are subordinated to them in various social relations. In the silk and furniture industry, the factory owners having no arable land are the leading producers, and also those closely related with agriculture are subordinated to them.

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