Because peasants during the Tokugawa Era were legally prohibited from migrating, it has been generally believed that their movements and the geographical scope of their lives must have been fairly limited. However recent studies, although limited to one or two villages during the 19th Century, have made it clear that migration did in fact occur at a much larger scale than hitherto recognized. There is as yet little understanding of the nature or reasons for such migration, and this paper aims toward that understanding through an analysis of labour migration patterns in Kai province (now Yamanashi prefeature) during the latter half of the 17th Century and the 18th Century.
The primary sources for this investigation are the Shumoncho, or religious investigation registers, of 25 villages in Kai province (see Figure 1). These records provide the names, ages and household positions of individuals, as well as data concerning changes in residence, and the arrival of newcomers to the village. and so provide an excellent basis for demographic analysis. Table 1, derived from the Shumoncho, shows the exceedingly complicated family structure that occurred during the Tokugawa Era. Only about 50% of the households in each village consisted of immediate family members. The upper class peasants, who owned a relatively large amount of land, usually kept subordinate peasants, who were divided into several classes, known as kakaeya, kadoya, fudai-genin and genin. This study is primarily concerned with the genin (also known as hokoonin), or labouring class.
7, 859 households were analysed over four sub-periods comprising the Tokugawa Era, and the percentage of households that took in genin showed a decline throughout the era. During the first period, 1650-1699, 20.6% of households had genin, while the figure for the second period, 1700-1749, was 25.1%, that for the third period, 1950-1799, 15.1%, and the fourth period, 1800-1869, 6.2%. During the first and second periods, there still existed a large number of lifetime servants, called fudai-genin, but this class had ceased to exist by the third period. During the fourth period, a new class of seasonal or daily contract labourers appeared, and the number of genin consequently decreased. However, the genin were an important source of labour in many villages throughout the Tokugawa Era.
Of 3, 523 genin recorded throughout the study period, there were 2, 049 men and 1, 474 women, and in each village and for each time period, there were more male than female genin. The mean age for all genin over the whole time period was 24.5 years, however this figure was 27.4 years during the first period, 25.8 years during the second, 22.5 years during the third, and 19.1 years during the fourth. The length of time that the genin worked in one place decreased from an average of three years during the first period, to one year towards the end of the Tokugawa Era. This trend seems to indicate that as time progressed, the labourers became less and less dependent upon their employers.
The mean percentage of genin who moved within their own rural communities over the period was 37%. Among in-migrating genin, a mean percentage of 80.6% came from previous settlements within 4km, and the lowest village figure was 60%. An earlier study of marriage movement for the same district (1978) produced the same figures. Therefore, we can conclude that both labour in-migration and marriage inmigration were not completely limited to a single rural community, but were predominately limited to a radius of 4km.
On the other hand, there were a large number of out-migrants from each village. They went to Kofu (the capital city of Kai Province) or Edo (now Tokyo).

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This paper examines the formation of functional metropolitan regions within the City of Seoul, and addresses the problem of forecasting such trends based on use of the OD matrix and analysis of movement patterns with defining complex linkage systems. For such purposes, the daily movements of people in Seoul have been taken as an analytic indicator of functional linkages. The OD data were collected in 1977 as part of a KIST (Korean Institute of Science and Technique) project.
In the first stage of the analysis, prediction models are built using stepwise multiple regression analysis, using 19 explanatory variables about socio-economic characteristics and 12 dependent variables concerning generated/pulled trips for each individual's journey purpose (Table 2). The number of trips for 1991 is subsequently derived from prediction models for each zone.
The next stage is a trip distribution process. The author has used a BPR-type model in various gravity models, with the following general form:
t_ij^p=T_i^p·u_j^pf^p(D_ij)·K_ij^p/ⁿ∑_k=1u_k^pf^p(D_ik)·K_ik^p
where: p=trip purposes;
t_ij=total trips from zone i to zone j;
T_i=total trips generated in zone i;
u_j=total trips pulled by zone j;
K_ij=constant for total trips from zone i to zone j; and
f(D_ij)=αd_ijβ exp (γd_ij), where α·β·γ are parameters, and d_ij is the road (or time) distance between zone i and zone j.
Using the above model, the new OD matrix for 1991 is derived. 1991 is the targeted completion year for the Seoul city master plan. At approximately this time, the city's urban growth should enter a period of stability.
The final step in the analysis involves the application of factor analysis rotation procedures, concentrating on the major patterns of common factors, and ignoring all other influences, due to problems concerning the diversity of the flows, and the limitations of cartographic methods. The matrix for daily flows of persons in Seoul consists of 100×100 elements. The Varimax rotation method is used here to facilitate the interpretation of latent factors. As a result of this application, seven functional regions can be identified in 1977 and 1991 respectively.
For this study, only factor loadings greater than ±0.5 (1977) and ±0.4 (1991), and factor scores greater than ±2.0 (both years) are adopted as relevant indices. Inquiry into the seven sub-systems is done in a series of maps (Figures 4∼10), by linking each group of factor loadings (destinations) to its respective set of common factor scores (origins). However, zones with less 1% of total generated/pulled trips are excluded from linking objectives.
Factor 1, accounting for 29.8% (1977) and 26.7% (1991) of the total variance, represents the most dominant nodal sub-system centered in the heart of Seoul, including the CBD and its surrounding areas. Factor 2, explaining a further 22% (1977) and 48.1% (1991) of the total variance, represents the secondary dominant sub-system centered in the Dobong area. These two factors, accounting for 52.5% (1977) and 48.1% (1991) of the total variance, represent the dominant sub-systems in the person flows of Seoul.
The other five factors, accounting for 29.3% (1977) and 31.1% (1991), are as follows: Yeongdeungpo-Hwagog area, Cheonho area, Gwanag-Gangnam area, Cheongyangli area, and Sinchon-Eunpyung area. All of these seven sub-systems partly overlap each other at the periphery of each functional region. This is a result of a hierarchical pattern of functional regions.

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The purpose of this paper is twofold: one, to correct a misunderstanding about the Keicho Nihonzu, one of the Nihonsozu, or general maps of Japan, housed in the National Diet Library, and two, to compare and contrast compilation methods and contents of such Nihonsozu, which were compiled by the Tokugawa Shogunate during the Edo Era.
Until now, it has been thought that the Nihonsozu were produced at four times, during the Keicho, Shoho, Genroku and Kyoho periods of the Edo Era, although the production of the Keicho map has been mere conjecture. It has been assumed to have been produced on the basis of a Kuniezu, or provincial map, compiled as a result of a 1605 government order. There is no record, however, to support this production. It is known that the existing Keicho Nihonzu was probably produced in the Kanei Period (1624-1643), however as a result of lack of knowledge of the compilation of Nihonsozu during the Kanei Period, it has been assumed to be an amended version of the original Keicho Nihonzu. The present work supplies evidence that the Nihonzu known as the Keicho Nihonzu and housed in the National Diet Library, is in fact the Kanei Nihonzu, and was produced by Masashige Inoue, a government officer, in the 16th year of Kanei (1639).
Comparison of the four Edo Nihonzu (Kanei Shoho, Genroku and Kyoho) reveals the following: 1) Since Nihonsozu were always compiled on the basis of Kuniezu, their accuracy depended upon how well the Kuniezu were compiled. 2) This method of extending the Kuniezu reached its practical limits during the Genroku Period. Thereafter, for the Kyoho Period, a new method, depending upon a rudimentary survey, was initiated. 3) The later maps are not necessarily more detailed, though they reflect the political state of affairs at the time of their production. 4) Drawing of the northern boundary islands, Ezochi (Hokkaido, Kuriles and Sakhalin) does not progress in detail over the four periods. Howewer the southern boundary Ryukyu Islands (Okinawa Prefecture) become more detailed and more accurate in the Genroku Nihonzu.

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This paper examines changes in the labour structure that have come about as a result of the decline in forestry production in Otaki-mura, Saitama Prefecture, Japan. Beginning in the early 1960's, the traditional rural social structure in the area was upset when forestry production, the area's economic mainstay, could no longer compete with the import of foreign-produced timber. At the same time, changes in the field of energy production brought about the decline of the charcoal industry, long associated with forestry production in Japan. Consequently the area experienced a sharp decline in population, and the remaining labour force responding to new work opportunities provided in part by anti-depopulation policies has undergone major structural changes.
The main characteristics of these changes in the labour market are summarized as follows:
1) Development of local rural industry since World War II can be divided into three time periods. During the first period, from 1945 to 1957, labour was concentrated in the forestry industry, where production was carried on a small scale, individual basis, and supplemented by subsistence agriculture as well as part-time work in other industries. During the second period, from 1958 to 1967, the decline in timber and charcoal production led to an outflow of the labour force. At the same time, construction of a nearby dam as well as increased transportation facility construction, provided increased opportunities for day labour. During the third period, since 1968, specific anti-depopulation policies have encouraged the development of small businesses in this and other rural villages, and the tertiary sector has been increased. In addition, increased mobility has made automobile commuting to nearby towns possible, although such commuting is still not carried out on a large scale.
2) Since the latter half of the second period, the labour market can be divided into two classes, the “First Type” being young, fulltime workers who have graduated from highschool, and the “Second Type” being those older workers who have converted from traditional rural production to manufacturing, construction or larger scale forestry labour, still supplemented in many cases by part-time farming.
3) Forest landowners have responded to these economic developments by starting manufacturing or service industries (such as tourist accommodations), or by engaging in village political leadership.
4) Hamlets within the village can be differentiated according to activity and time period, an N Hamlet being one engaged only in forestry labour, an O Hamlet being one in which a stratified labour force, engaging in forestry, construction, or commuting day labour, has developed.

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