In recent years, social geographers have dealt with problems regarding the social construction of space. Their studies, whether explicitly or implicitly, separate society and space conceptually. From this perspective the author focuses on the structuring of rural space by social subjects (territorial social groups and the political powers ruling them). While ‘social space’ in the title is here defined as subjective space occupied by territorial social groups and expressed symbolically by them as their own, ‘nonprofane place’ includes liminal places, sacred places and places of fear (places said to be haunted and graveyards) constructed by social subjects. This paper aims at: 1) reconstructing how the rural space is structured by social spaces and nonprofane places and 2) interpreting the meaning of the rural space as a structured whole. A case study was made in Shimosagawa, a village on the Yamato Plateau, Nara Prefecture.
Shimosagawa as a social group is divided into six shoshurakus (small settlements) given proper names. Moreover, shoshuraku are divided into kinrinshudans (neighborhood groups). Subjective social spaces of these groups can be detected only through overt group behavior interpreted as bounding and expressing those spaces. Most shoshuraku formerly performed the mushiokuri (an evil-exorcising ritual) in each specific place (mushiokuri-ba), which may be interpreted as the liminal place symbolic of shoshuraku's social space. And each shoshuraku is in charge of its own network of paths, which is considered a visible manifestation of the group's social space. On the other hand, neighborhood groups are reorganized into many groups performing the tondo (a ritual seeing off of the deity). The place where the ritual is performed (tondo-ba) symbolizes a tondo group's social space. Thus, subjective social space is symbolically expressed rather than territorially defined.
Besides mushiokuri-ba and tondo-ba, various types of nonprofane places were constructed by shoshurakus. But neighborhood groups are hardly concerned with the construction of such places.
In terms of the distribution of social spaces and nonprofane places, the structure of Shimosagawa space is interpretatively reconstructed as in Fig. 9. The relationship between shoshuraku's social space and tondo group's is not hierarchical, but the latter constitutes the ordinary part of Shimosagawa space on a level different from the former. Most shoshurakus have performed the fujigoritori (a ritual praying for the group's safety in the river) in each specific sacred place on the riverbank, where, in addition, are located some other sacred places. Therefore, the riverbank in Shimosagawa can be regarded as a space able to produce sacred places and is here called ‘sacred space’. Sacred places are also located outside the space. Graveyards are in the periphery of Shimosagawa space, and in gaps between shoshuraku's social spaces are the places said to be haunted. These places of fear are all in a dim, deserted space, here referred to as ‘wilderness’, which is a contextual space productive of the former. Shimosagawa space as structured in this way is not a social space subjectively bounded and expressed. Rather, the space has the meaning as an ‘institutionalized region’ in Paasi (1986)'s sense, constructed by the political power of a medieval lord.

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The aim of this paper is to clarify the regional differences in the network of periodic markets in Niigata Prefecture. The regional system of the network of periodic markets is examined through the analysis of both the number of linkages and the degree of connectivity. The former indicates a combination among periodic markets, which is brought about by visiting trade, and the latter indicates the centrality of the periodic markets in the network.
The main results of this study are summarised as follows:
1. It became clear that the distributional characteristics of periodic markets in Kanbara, Iwafune and Kubiki regions in Niigata Prefecture differ from each other in terms of sellers, kinds of goods and market days; and the residences of sellers are distributed agglomeratively in certain areas according to each commodity.
2. Sellers in Niigata Prefecture are classified into two types, i. e., farmers who sell their products, and traders. Furthermore, the traders are divided into part-time traders and full-time traders based upon the extent of speciality on periodic markets. As the traders occupy some 70 percent of all those selling in the market, the importance of the traders for the existence of periodic markets is much higher than previously discussed.
3. The linkage conditions among periodic markets by visiting traders are measured by the index of“the number of linkages”. As a result of analysis, it became clear that the network of periodic markets does not extend all over the prefecture, but that there are independent networks in each region.
4. By examining the centrality of each periodic market through the analysis of“the degree of connectivity”, it became clear that these three regions have different distribution patterns.
A major reason for the regional differences in the networks is based upon the difference of their formation periods. The periodic markets in the Kanbara Region have existed since the Edo Period. Therefore, the rational spatial composition of today's networks is derived as a result of historical adjustment. On the other hand, in the Iwafune Region the periodic markets came into existence due to the increase of demand for perishable foods from the end of Meiji Era to the beginning of Taisho Era.

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The purpose of this paper is to investigate how people obtain and eat Vespula sp., a kind of wasp, and how such habits are distributed in Japan. A general survey based on the literature and quastionnaires given to authorities was conducted for each part of Japan, and field work was conducted by interviewing in Central Japan, where examples of this habit can be seen. Among several kinds of wasps which are eaten in Japan, especially immature Vespula have been eaten cooked in various ways. This is because people feel it more tasty than any other wasp, and they can find the nests easily, catch them without any danger and obtain large numbers of the immature wasps from one nest. This haibit is not spread all over Japan but concentrated particularly in some parts of Central Japan.
The results of the survey in Central Japan are as follows: there are six kinds of foods made of Vespula, that is, raw Vespula, roasted Vespula, boiled Vespula, mixed rice maze-gohan with Vespula, sushi with Vespula and, a kind of rice cake with soy bean sauce (gohei-mochi) containing Vespula. These recipes are listed here according to increasing complexity in cooking process. People eat these foods 1) occasionally, 2) daily, or 3) daily and on special occasions. In the area where the usage of Type 1) is found, Vespula is usually roasted and eaten only occasionally. In the area of Type 2) boiled Vespula in soy sauce is eaten as a daily food and even stored in many places. It is used as a side dish for daily meals or relish for drinking. Moreover in the area of type 3) boiled Vespula can be used on special occasions such as festivals and parties. The foods which need a longer cooking process tend to be used on special occasions. The usage of type 3) is seen in eastern Mino Province (Gifu Pref.) and its surrounding regions.
People obtain Vespula by hunting or purchasing. Methods of hunting are classified into four types according to ways of discovering the nests. They are: (1) discovery by chance, (2) discovery by simply running after Vespula, (3) discovery by making Vespula hold a mark and running after it, and (4) breeding after finding the nest. An assorted mix of hunting (2), (3) and (4) is adopted in eastern and southern parts of Sinano Province (Nagano Pref.) and eastern Mino Province as well as mountainous areas in Mikawa and Owari Provinces (Aichi Pref.). People who want to eat Vespula may also purchase canned Vespula or their nests with immature wasps. The former are sold as souvenirs in some cities of Shinano Province, and the latter are mainly used as raw materials for cooking in eastern Mino Province. These are regions where active hunting is also popular.
Generally speaking, the intensiveness of eating and that of hunting are closely related. That is, the more positively Vespula is eaten, the more actively hunting is conducted. The kind of foods (Figure 3), their uses (Figure 4), and the hunting methods (Figure 5), show similar areal distribution. These neighbouring three regions, that is, eastern Mino, the southernmost part of Shinano and the mountainous area of Mikawa, form the core with the highest intensity. The custom becomes less pervasive in regions that are located farther from the core. This shows a kind of cultural circle with a concentric structure. This is also the core area of Vespula eating in Japan.

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