In many studies of manorial-maps, historical and semiotic approaches have been employed. However, many contexts, such as the political, economic and cultural circumstance and people's spatial cognition in the period when manorial-maps were made and used should be taken into consideration. Moreover, even manorial-maps themselves could be a context for others.
The purpose of this paper is to analyze the expressions and descriptions of Manorial-Maps relating to Saidaiji Temple. These maps have usually been investigated individually, but this paper employs a contextual approach to determine how each map, especially Souron Ezu (dispute map), functioned and related to other maps within the group.
Saidaiji owns or owned at least fifteen maps drawn in medieval and early modern times. This paper deals with ten of them which were drawn at the end of the thirteenth century and related to the disputes between Saidaiji and Akishinodera Temple. The ten maps can be categorized into three groups; Souron Ezu (maps 1-3), Shikichizu (ownership maps. maps 6-10) and Keihoku Handenzu (manorial-maps based on ancient cadastral maps. maps 4 and 5).
Saidaiji and Akishinodera conflicted with each other on three occasions over the ownership of woodlands and irrigation systems. The second dispute happened in 1299, when Akishinodera tried to occupy woodlands and irrigation ponds and lasted eight years. The maps were drawn for presentation to the court in order to prove ownership. In the event, the maps made by Saidaiji were judged to be correct. About ten years later, Akishinodera caused the third dispute by burning the houses around Saidaiji and violating the woodlands of Saidaiji. Saidaiji accused Akishinodera over it.
As for Souron Ezu, map 1, which was made by Akishinodera for the second dispute, contains special drawing methods for trees and directions. They show the insistence of Akishinodera on land ownership. Map 2 was drawn and made additional drawings by Saidaiji to report the invasion of Akishinodera in the third dispute. Map 3 was made to reconfirm the land ownership of the area after the disputes.
Shikichizu were made to show the extent of Saidaiji's grounds and lands before the disputes, to which some of them were likely to be related. Map 7 has some descriptions which seem to have been added later, so it must have been used to assist Saidaiji's insistence in the process of disputes. Map 8 is supposed to have been a draft of map 7. Map 9 has also many descriptions relating to the third dispute (1316-1317) and it might have been made in the process of the dispute and attached to the documents for the court hearing.
Keihoku Handenzu were originally made to certificate the exchange of the lands between Saidaiji and Akishinodera. The meaning of lines drawn in different colors seems to be associated with the disputes. Map 4 was made by Saidaiji, and map 5 was a transcribed version by Akishinodera., but there are some differences in coloring and drawing methods. It turned out that map 5 was referred to and some descriptions were added in the process of the second dispute.
In conclusion, each of the maps is closely interrelated. Map 1 and map 7 had an especially great influence on the other maps in the disputes. Saidaiji and Akishinodera strategically used the different maps for the disputes, even when one case followed another.
This paper attempts to analyze Saidaiji Manorial-Maps not only from the dual perspective of mapmaking and maps themselves, but also via the various contexts.

抄録全体を表示

This study analyzes the regional process of dependency and changes of endogenous self-organizations in a depopulated remote area of Japan, via the case of Namiai village, Nagano Prefecture, Japan. Namiai village lost almost half of its population during the period 1952 to 1995. As a result, the population of the village was reduced to 778 persons in 1995, with the aged ratio (over 65 years old) being almost 30%.
Since the 1960s, in an attempt to counteract depopulation, Namiai village has implemented a pioneering and grass-roots resort development. As a result of grass-roots efforts, tourists in this village have increased from 80 thousand persons in 1967 to currently 300 thousand persons. This rise in tourism is related to an increase in employment and income. At its peak, more than 100 persons were employed by the resort-related facilities, where the total population was less than 800 persons. Rapid depopulation was thus curtailed.
As the tourist industry grew, however, it fell under the control of the logic of capital. This in turn prevented the voluntary involvement of residents. From the 1970s, the Central Government of Japan started to implement financial transfers to local governments on a large scale. As a result, with subsidies from the Central government the village government was able to continue investing in the resort development. In other words, the village government didn't need to negotiate with the residents on their policies. But at times these policies opposed the wishes of the residents who needed more investment in education, helth and other public services for themselves rather than for tourists. And the village government no longer needed to organize people for the community mobilization. As a result the foundation of the village government changed from the community to the Central government.
In the meantime, with the increase in public investment, only the construction sector could continue growing rapidly. Finally, the owners of construction companies appeared as a new political elite, with the result that unnecessary public construction by subsidy increased. In short, the resort development of Namiai village deteriorated to a situation of dependency. This was due to an over-emphasis on economic aspects such as employment while ignoring social aspects such as organizing the development actors.
The institutional intervention resulted in two conflicting phenomena -the strengthening of the financial autonomy of municipal governments and the weakening of self-reliance capabilities. As a result, most of the traditionally endogenous organizations of a community have been disorganized or reorganized under the leadership of the municipal government. The endogenous self-organizations thus changed roles to pseudo-organizations of the local government.

抄録全体を表示

1980年代と1990年代のグローバル化に関する広く行きわたった認識は、資本蓄積の進行に地理的空間がますます関わらなくなっているという考えを助長してきた。多くの公式的な見解とは反して、グローバル化は金融資本の国際化よりも製造資本の国際化に刺激を受けている。グローバル化のもとでは、はるかにより包括的な過程が生じている-それは徹底的な地理的スケールの再構築である。本稿は、資本蓄積が、経済的な状況については国民国家の相対的後退を伴いつつ、グローバル-ローカル関係がますます決定的になる新たな段階に突入していることを論じる。このことにより、グローバルな資本の中核に多くのアジアとラテンアメリカの経済が状況に応じて統合される一方でアフリカと世界中の縁辺化された人々がますます追い払われる、地理的不均等発展の新しいパターンがあらわれている。

抄録全体を表示

In recent years, common millet, a traditional upland crop, is being cultivated once again in some islands of Okinawa after a period of abandonment. This study reports on the revival and spread of common millet production on the islands of Tonaki and Aguni in Okinawa Prefecture. Regional features of the two sites are compared and the background and factors leading to this phenomenon are examined.
The results show that the village office of Tonaki Island has been actively involved in the development of common millet production, while on Aguni Island, individual farming households have been concerned with its production, with relatively little involvement of local authorities. This difference is attributable to agricultural circumstances; Tonaki households tend to have a weak basis of agricultural management and require the involvement of authorities, whereas agricultural management on Aguni Island is comparatively well-established and stable.
Factors in this revival include the following: 1) ease of cultivation, an important concern for the ageing populations of these islands; 2) the common millet under cultivation on the islands is glutinous, thus suiting the taste of the local people, which results in the stability of and increase in demand for the product; 3) the preservability of common millet is an important factor for the people of these islands, where an efficient transportation system has not been developed.
In addition to the above factors in the revival of common millet production, it is also necessary to consider the deep-rooted feeling held by the people of Okinawa for traditional upland crops such as common millet, foxtail millet, barley, wheat and so on. This strong feeling inspired people with the idea of cultivating millet once again and they accordingly brought seeds to the islands. The revival of common millet production indicates the intensity of feeling concerning traditional upland crop production among the people of the islands of Okinawa.

抄録全体を表示