In Japan, every han or feudal clan made large maps of their own castle town during the Edo period. These maps have been studied as sources for research regarding the history of urban development. Although most on the research has been focussed on the maps of town plans, it is important to note that they were mainly used to officially distribute house lots to warriors. The purpose of this study is to examine the relationship between the castle town maps and the administration of warriors' residential areas, taking Yonezawa as an example.
Maps of Yonezawa during the Edo period changed from large single sheet maps to atlases in the beginning of the 19th century. Large single sheet maps demarcate the boundary of warriors' residential plots and indicate the names of the occupants. The size of the residential plot varies considerably according to the class of warrior.
In contrast to large single sheet maps, atlases consist of street maps of small areas. Within them, the names of occupants and their positions in the military organization of Yonezawa-han are written along the street concerned. Accordingly, the difference in actual plot size is not always indicated in these atlases. On some of these names, strips of paper are attached in order to make revisions. Explanatory notes of these maps designate that the names of resident warriors were surveyed every year or two.
In addition, these atlases contain two important legends. One of them represents the vacant lots. The other represents the farmlands in warriors' residential areas. Although the warriors were expected to build houses at their own expense on the lots officially provided, some of them were left vacant. Those lands without houses were subject to taxation by the authorities from 1826 and were marked in the atlases. Making use of idle land was one of the policies of fiscal reform initiated from the beginning of the 19th century in Yonezawa-han. These legends are a reflection of this policy.
In conclusion, this study aims to show that most of castle town maps were originally practical tools used in the administration of the town itself. They were closely connected with the management of warriors' residential areas, and the appearance of new legends in atlases was due to fiscal reforms and taxation.
Similar administrative changes can be found in other castle towns. For example, maps of Kumamoto show that some of the house lots in the warriors' residential areas were marked for taxation as a result of fiscal reform during the latter half of the 18th century. The approach of this study in viewing the changes of castle town maps in relation to administrative reforms should also be valid for the examination of these other castle towns.

抄録全体を表示

It was not until the late 1990s That inner Tokyo started to regain population. This paper explores the extent of that shift and it is argued that population recovery in Minato Ward in inner Tokyo differs from the nature of 'gentrification' observed in Western countries.
The 'bubble era' of the late 1980s resulted in rapid land price inflation, land speculation on inner city plots and involved a considerable area of land while displacing former residents. The idea that Tokyo was becoming a 'global city' supported land speculation for office and commercial demands. Inner Tokyo continued to lose population in the late 1980s as a consequence of competition with business and commercial land use. Tokyo Wards implemented various policies to prevent the further outflow of residents, which included rent subsidies to renters and the substitution of mortgage interests exceeding 2%. The Wards also leased rented housing to household renters, and issued guidelines to locate rental family-sized housing in newly-built office buildings.
After the collapse of the 'bubble', however, office and commercial demands suddenly disappeared and land prices fell rapidly. The financial crisis induced firms to sell or utilize their land for housing. By the late 1990s, high rise apartments were built on such speculated land. GIS-based mapping analysis revealed that the construction of public and private housing mainly contributed to population recovery, followed by the opening of new subway stations.
A questionnaire survey was conducted to examine who had moved into the newly-provided housing in the inner city. Data were collected on household type, occupation, former residential location and reasons for the move.
The survey revealed that single female households and double income couples with no children predominated in the private housing sector. The main reason for the move was proximity to workplace. This reflects the fact that movers into the inner city mainly consist of households placing a higher priority on employment than on nurturing children. Couples with children would move into the inner city if they secured low cost (public) housing. Many constraints still prevent the inflow of households with children, such as high housing cost in both private rented housing and owner occupied housing, and limited nursery school capacity.
The provision of public housing, which is a counter policy to the population decline, results in relatively low income households returning to the inner city. Subsequent private housing construction which was caused by the collapse of the 'bubble' attracts different types of households from a wider area. Population recovery in inner Tokyo differs from gentrification in the West in that it is not limited only to more affluent people relocating to the inner city.

抄録全体を表示

本論文は, 過去20年間にわたって, オークランドにおけるそれまでの伝統的な文化景観に付け加えられるようになってきた, 東アジア系移民の創り出す広汎なエスニック景観の実態を明らかにしようと試みるものである。オークランドにおいて現在拡大しつつある東アジア系移民の文化景観を特徴づけるもっともはっきりと目に見える形で現れている兆候は, おそらく, 各エスニック集団における人口数それ自体の増加とともに, かれらの経営するエスニック・レストランの店舗数の増加に示されているといえるであろう。1992年以降, 10万人以上の東アジア系の人々がニュージーランドにおける在留許可を得ているが, その大部分は台湾, 香港, 中国からやってきた華人 (9万人以上) と韓国からやってきた韓国 (朝鮮) 人 (約1万4千人) である。1999年においては, 中国, 日本, 韓国, タイ, インドを含むアジア系エスニックのレストランの占める比率は, オークランド市におけるレストラン総数の50パーセント以上に達している。こうして新たに来住する東アジア系移民が, この間, オークランドにおける多文化的特徴を著しく拡張してきたのである。
こうして新しくやって来た東アジア系移民集団がもっとも強く選好している居住地域は, 相互に重複することはないし, しかもそれぞれの集団がオークランド郊外の相互に異なった場所を占める傾向を示している。すなわち, 台湾人はホーウィック=パクランガ, エプソム=レムエラ, チャッツウッド, 韓国人はイースト・コースト・ベイズ, グレンフィールド, 日本人はセント・ヘリアーズ, レムエラ=セント・ジョーンズ, フィリピン人はミスター・ロズキル, ヘンダーソン, ロイヤル・オーク=オネフンガ=エラーズリー, そしてヴェトナム人はマヌレワ, パパトエトエ, オタフフ, などに居住地域を形成するという具合である。

抄録全体を表示