人文地理

社会・人文現象の地域論における社会環境の機能に關する一図式

小川徹

1953 年 5 巻 2 号 p. 83-93,155
発行日: 1953/06/30
公開日: 2009/04/28

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4200/jjhg1948.5.83

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紙面の制限から十分な例証を掲げる余裕がなく一般論に終始したため,空論をもてあそぶものという非難を蒙むらねばならぬとしても,それはいたしかたがない。説明は拙なく,書き終えて説き余した点も幾多気付かれるのであるが,すべて後考に譲り,さしあたり次の箇条をもって本論の摘要に代えよう。
1. 社会・人文現象の地理Sui Generisの地域論については社会・人文科学の諸分野にすでに幾多の先例を認め得ること。
2. 地域論の対象たる地域の概念は,これを一種の理念型として把うべく,単なる分布論とは考えられないこと。
3. 地域構造を創出するものは基本的に歴史であり,歴史の空間的現実態こそ地域構造であると考えられること。
4. 歴史過程の根底をなすものはおそらくは人間生活であるが,人間は彼独自の社会過程の上にその生活を営む。社会過程は,人間がその環境(自然環境)に働らきかけることに始まるが,社会は人間行動の所産であると同時に,社会過程の媒介物として構能するものであり,それ故,社会の構造は,人間生活に対する環境として機能すること。
5. 以上の理由により,社会環境(Social Environment or Milieu Social)の問題は地域論の中心課題をなすものと考えられること。

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經濟地域の個性と構造與件

山名正孝

1953 年 5 巻 2 号 p. 94-103,155
発行日: 1953/06/30
公開日: 2009/04/28

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4200/jjhg1948.5.94

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Economic geography has a duty to study the individuality of the economic area. To execute this duty, I think, it is effective to stand on the position of structural economic geography to understand the individuality of economic area as the economic structure. And we must keep our endeavour to analyse the economic structural restrictiction at a respectful distance.
I considered the economic restrictiction of the economic condition by study on the individuality of the Chinese economy. As for the “economic” restriction of “policy”, it is composed of the two economic restriction of policy and political disaffection of economy. This fundamental relation is the basement of economic plan of new China, and is the essential condition to determine the structural characteristics of democratic economy. Ignoring this relation we shall not be able to understand the peculiarity and the present condition of the Chinese economy.

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朝鮮火田民の発生

小池洋一

1953 年 5 巻 2 号 p. 103-114,156
発行日: 1953/06/30
公開日: 2009/04/28

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4200/jjhg1948.5.103

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The increasing ratio of the burning cultivator in the beginning of Syowa era when we are convinced in the sure statistics, shows 16%. It is high above the increasing ratio of the population in Korea, 6%. That shows the increase by the immigrants.
Why have these burning cultivator, in such an age being modernized as present, appeared, breaking the strict prohibition in the mountain regions of northern Korea where natural circumstances are quite severe?
As the trial of the explanation for it, I pursuited the relation between the population and the land. With the governess of colony by Japan which is firstly directed with the increasing rice-plan, the disorganization of Korean village has rapidly been promoted. For example, in the Chunando in 1930, the tenant-houses against the whole farmers has reached 89%, and the tenant-land against the whole cultivated land shows 69%, in adition the goods farm rate which equals to 50% of the whole products has also promoted the trival devision of land and poverty. The rapid increase of the burning cultivator shows the result that the part of farmers who left their farmer, above mentioned, lived in the mountain regions so as not to be deprived of their products from the whole areas of Korea.
The general principle does not true of Korea that the population move from the region of the lower living standard to that of the higher, and the remove opposite to the above is done only as a ruler. The living standard of the burning cultivators is lower than that of the plain-farmers. Only freedom permitted there it not to be deprived of their products.

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廣島縣の土地開発

西村嘉助

1953 年 5 巻 2 号 p. 115-122,157
発行日: 1953/06/30
公開日: 2009/04/28

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4200/jjhg1948.5.115

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I studied the outline of the land cultivation in Hiroshima Prefecture afte Edo era by the several maps. The first map: Formation of the new settlement. The second map: Increase of the cultivated land from 1619 to 1820. The third map: Increase of the cultivated land from 1820 to 1921. The forth map: Increase of the cultivated land from 1921 to 1947. The fifth map: Increase of population from 1711 to 1816 (eastern part of Hiroshima Prefecture). The sixth map: Increase of population from 1816 (or 1820) to 1888. The seventh map: Increase of population from 1888 to 1920.
By these maps I could have got the following conclusion.
1. The new settlements developed after Edo era are distributed in the seashore and islands districts.
2. The cultivated lands increased on the seashore district in Edo era and in the islands district in Meiji era.
3. Before population had increased running with increase of cultivated lands, but recently its increase has been caused by the development of commerce and industry, and the development of cities. That is, development of economic system in Japan has caused the population movement. However, after the War-termination especially, population increase is found in those areas where the cultivated land has increased.

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湖水境界

鳥取市外湖山池の場合

林正巳

1953 年 5 巻 2 号 p. 123-129,157
発行日: 1953/06/30
公開日: 2009/04/28

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4200/jjhg1948.5.123

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1. There are two types of the boundary of the lake; that is one is what divides the lake into several parts, the other is what is monopolized by only one village or town. As the latter instance, I take the lake of Koyama in the suburbs of Tottori.
2. The Lake of Koyama, at present, belongs to Koyama village, and other villages around it are out of its boundary. Each of them has only one island in the lake. We can not undestand the origin of the fact certainly, now. But according to the tradition, it is owing to the fact that the village of the lake which was given by their lord about 400 years ago.
3. In the 22nd year of Meiji, our system of town and village was put in practice, and then the present boundary was fixed according to the custom. Thus Koyama village monopolized the whole lake, in spite of the fact that the privilege was limited to the one part of the lake surface.
4. There are many tendencies for the solution of these irrational conditions according to the times. That is, the first; the fishing union of Lake Koyama was established two years ago, and consequently all the fishermen around the lake have come to be given the same rights as the men in Koyama. The second; the development of the district around the lake has been planned. Thus the reclamation of the lake which has been checked by the village boundary of Koyama will be easily realised. The third; the annexation of villages around the lake will be necessarily promotted. Thus the new and democratic society will be nearly realised around the lake of Koyama, due to the mediation of the lake.

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ソ連邦の灌漑・水力プラン(A.A.グリゴリエフ)

末尾至行

1953 年 5 巻 2 号 p. 130-131
発行日: 1953/06/30
公開日: 2009/04/28

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4200/jjhg1948.5.130

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第2次大戦によるイングランド農業の変貌(H.ブルーメ)

浮田典良

1953 年 5 巻 2 号 p. 132-134
発行日: 1953/06/30
公開日: 2009/04/28

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4200/jjhg1948.5.132

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エジプト工業の発達(A.B.モントジョイ)

太下金二郎

1953 年 5 巻 2 号 p. 134-136
発行日: 1953/06/30
公開日: 2009/04/28

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4200/jjhg1948.5.134

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Great Whale川地域における文化接触(J.J.ホニグマン)

岩田慶治

1953 年 5 巻 2 号 p. 136-139
発行日: 1953/06/30
公開日: 2009/04/28

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4200/jjhg1948.5.136

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太平洋諸島の農業(W.B.ジョンストン)

藤本利治

1953 年 5 巻 2 号 p. 139-141
発行日: 1953/06/30
公開日: 2009/04/28

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4200/jjhg1948.5.139

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お詫び

1953 年 5 巻 2 号 p. 141
発行日: 1953年
公開日: 2009/04/28

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4200/jjhg1948.5.2_141

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明治時代の商業的農業

西村睦男

1953 年 5 巻 2 号 p. 142-148
発行日: 1953/06/30
公開日: 2009/04/28

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.4200/jjhg1948.5.142

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