The purpose of this article is to clarify employment policies and to provide some background regarding Chinese workers developing a colony in Sakhalin during the 1920s, paying attention to the whole labor policy including those directed toward Japanese and Korean workers.
The data used in this analysis were the confidential documents produced by the Karafuto government and the local newspaper, 'Karafuto nichinichi shinbun', which were obtained from the diplomatic record office of the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Hakodate city library and the National Diet Library. The results of the paper can be summarized as follows.
The employment of Chinese workers was caused by the need to develop the colony and the severe shortage of labor in Sakhalin. Namely, after world war I, in Sakhalin, a paper manufacturing industry developed, but labor to construct plants and infrastructure was in short supply. Therefore, the Karafuto government considered the use of Chinese workers.
When the Karafuto government recruited Chinese workers, they assigned a quota to companies and contractors which expected to employ them and the authorities forced these employers to abide by this rule. Furthermore, the authorities prepared a detailed outline to manage Chinese workers and forced employers to abide by these laws. The main aspects of this outline were as follows: (1) to employ Chinese as seasonal workers in order to prevent them from permanent residence; (2) to force Chinese workers from having as little contact as possible with Japanese people, and (3) to gather Chinese workers from the same region or village in order to link friends and relatives which would serve as a deterrent to escape.
Thus, Chinese workers were employed as seasonal workers from 1923 to 1927. They were gathered from around the province of Shandong in Northern China and were employed in various undertakings, such as railroad construction, plant construction, mining, and so on. Among these undertakings, the largest was the construction work of the Karafuto east coastal railroad leading from Otiai to Siritori. During construction, about 1, 500 Chinese workers were employed.
However, some local residents started movements against the use of Chinese workers on this project. Merchants in Toyohara, Maoka, and Tomarioru districts were especially opposed to the use of Chinese workers, on the grounds that they would not contribute to the local economy due to their tendency to save money and send wage remittances to China.
In addition, labor disputes were often raised by Chinese workers regarding their employment. The main reasons for these disputes were poor working conditions, such as a low wage level, nonpayment of wages, contract discrepancies and charges paid to middlemen for their passage to Sakhalin.
In those days, the wage levels of Japanese workers who were employed in the construction and labor sectors were 2.0 to 3.5 yen a day, and those of Korean workers, who were colonized under Japan, were 1.8 to 2.5 yen a day. However, those of Chinese workers were about 1 yen a day at first, but their wages were later raised by 0.2 to 0.3 yen. Furthermore, from their wages employers deducted food expenses, charges, and so on, thus reducing their net wage to only 0.6 to 0.7 yen per day.
In spite of these movements against Chinese workers and the labor disputes raised by them, the Karafuto government allowed companies and contractors to employ Chinese workers for five years in order to attempt to halt the increasing population of Korean workers. According to the results of the national census taken in 1930, the Korean population in Sakhalin was 8, 301, which accounted for 2.81 percent of its total population. Compared with the Korean population in 1920, which were 934, the number increased rapidly in 1930.

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The main purpose of this study is to investigate the basic structures of land tenure and land use in Korean rural villages, and to consider how and why they have changed under Japanese rule by analyzing the cadasters and cadastral maps. This study on the famous clan villages and the neighboring villages of Kangdong-myun in Kyungju City also intends to examine the narrative specified by many researches and interviews about the study area under Japanese rule.
The results are summarized as follows:
1. In the study area, houses and farmland are often surrounded by forested mountain ridges. From the point of view of land tenure, although the residential places and farmland in low plains were the subject of a complex system of ownership by various kinds of people, most of the forest on the mountain ridges tended to be owned by members of a few clans. The people, in particular, who belonged to the powerful clan having its own headquarters and tombs in the area had often units of land characteristically composed of mountain ridges with tombs, residential places and farmland at the foot of those mountains.
2. In the study area under Japanese rule, changes in land use conspicuously appeared in a few periods when the infrastructure such as new railways, roads and irrigation canals were constructed, and most of these changes occurred only in the low plains. In those days, members of the powerful clan having its own headquarters and tombs in the area tended to maintain characteristic units of land while building new houses to set up branch families and developing tombs towards the lower part of mountain ridges. On the other hand, the people who owned neither tombs nor forests had flexibly built new houses and bought new lands whether they belonged to the clan or not. As a result, among the villages modeled on the clan villages, the people in each village owned and used their lands in different ways under Japanese rule.
3. Under Japanese rule, the members of powerful clans firmly resisted when outsiders, Japanese, companies and state (the Government-General of Choseon etc.) came to buy or to take over a portion of their units of land. The residents of these neighborhoods also recognized that the mountain ridges with tombs must be preserved as forests. Consequently, although the area on the low plain had easily undergone a spatial change, the houses and farmlands surrounded by the mountain ridges with forests have been firmly maintained as before.

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The author believes that it is essential to establish a new model of terminology for recent trends in geography in order to further develop geographical studies. Fortunately in 1998, the author was requested to make a tentative list of English-Japanese terms for the Project on the Multilingual Glossary of Cultural Approach in Geography from the IGU Study Group. Not only to participate in the IGU project but also to advance his own research, the author compiled lists of the main terms used in cultural geography from the following three kinds of geographical sources in recent Japan.
1) Terms selected from the titles of geographical research papers in cultural geography during 1987-1996 and published in Japan. The above-mentioned titles were collected in 'category 26 culture' of "chirigaku bunken mokuroku (Bibliography of geography)"^* vol. 9 (1987-1991) and vol. 10 (1992-1996). The titles numbered about 1100 in all.
2) Terms selected from the summaries, chapter titles and maps/figures' titles of 55 articles. These articles were carried in four major professional journals^** of geography in Japan during 1987-1996.
3) Terms selected from the index and chapter titles of books^*** on cultural geography published during the same ten year period.
From the vast number of terms from three kinds of geographical sources, 1290 main terms were selected according to three principles as follows:
(a) those reflecting the characteristics of recent research in Japan,
(b) terms neither on the basis of personal knowledge nor of personal liking,
(c) those which are possible to compare with terms in other countries.
Table 1, which occupies about half of this paper, shows not only the list of main terms but also their frequencies in the above-mentioned sources.
1) The first row (X1) shows their frequencies by sub-category^**** of cultural geography in "Bibliography of geography" vol. 9
2) The second row (X2) shows their frequencies by sub-category of cultural geography in "Bibliography of geography" vol. 10
3) The third row (Y1) shows their frequencies by journal during the first five years (1987-1991).
4) The fourth row (Y2) shows their frequencies by journal during the latter five years (1992-1996).
5) The fifth row (Z) shows their frequencies by book. In this case, the following book was included in addition to the two books.
Bunka-chirigaku no keifu (History of Cultural Geography)" written by Hisatake, T. (2000). Chijinshobo, Kyoto.
The author believes that this table must make professional cultural geographers understand the recent trends in Japanese cultural geography in the respect of terms which are used.
However, in order to make the trends more obvious, 152 important terms were selected out of the main terms on the basis of frequencies, and these were classified by four groups according to their frequencies. It is these important terms that are the most typical and which represent recent trends in Japanese cultural geography. Table 2 shows which of sixteen themes the important terms belong to by group on the basis of frequency. From Table 2, we can clearly recognize not only recent trends in cultural geography, especially in a theme, (M) behavior and information, but also the main study areas where Japanese cultural geographers undertook field surveys.
*: The bibliography has been compiled even five years since 1953 by Editorial committee of The Human Geographical Society of Japan (Jimbun-Chiri Gakkai).
**: "Chirigaku-Hyoron (Geographical Review of Japan)", "Jimbun-Chiri (The Human Geography)", "Kikan-Chirigaku (Quaterly Journal of Geography)" and "chiri-kagaku (Geographical Sciences)".
***: "Bunka-Chirigaku (Cultural Geography)" edited by Ohshima, G. et al (1989).

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In geography of religion, the pilgrimage is one of the principal topics. Traditional approaches have dealt with old pilgrimage routes and the spatial structures of pilgrims and pilgrimages. Humanistic geographers have clarified the symbolic meanings of sacred places or religious landscapes. In the 1990s, some geographers, influenced by the "new cultural geography", have challenged associations between religious phenomena and politics.
This paper concerns a Buddhist pilgrimage route identified by signs, Henromichi, on Shikoku Island. While scholars of Henro have understood Henromichi's landscape and its religious meaning a priori, I will show that its landscape and meanings were built and obtained through conflict.
In 1960s and 1970s, the value of the Henro pilgrimage and Henromichi had been recognized as a cultural heritage and tourism resource by authorities. Then, from 1981, Henromichi was re-built for hiking by the Ministry of Construction, emphasizing its cultural value and excluding the religious meanings of the pilgrimage route.
On the other hand, a private organization, "Henromichi-hozon-kyoryoku-kai", also re-built pilgrimage routes from 1988. This group authorized its own route on the historicity and the religious meaning to claim its authenticity and differentiate it from others. In this process, Henromichi was built and obtained religious meanings.
Today, every pilgrimage route is built around a conflict between their authenticities and meanings. It is therefore important to clarify the relationships between religious phenomena and politics in Japan.

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