人文地理
Online ISSN : 1883-4086
Print ISSN : 0018-7216
ISSN-L : 0018-7216
12 巻, 1 号
選択された号の論文の10件中1~10を表示しています
  • 村落の基礎構造に関する比較地理学的考察
    水津 一朗
    1960 年 12 巻 1 号 p. 1-20,94
    発行日: 1960/02/28
    公開日: 2009/04/28
    ジャーナル フリー
    In areas where the Jori-system (a kind of township in old Japan) still exists, the term “Aza” is used to mark sections of the field. “Aza” usually corresponds with “Tsubo” which is the smallest unit of “Ri”.
    Each section of “Aza” is usually irregular Blockflur, but in the areas where the Jori-system still exists the strips are regular Streifenflur (about 13m×130m) and is similar to Kruzstreifenflur, according to G. Niemeier's classification of field patterns.
    The type of field corresponding to Langstreifenflur, Which is the oldest type of field found in Germany according to him, are not found in Japan.
    The strips of Jori have frequently been changed into Block-flur during the years with the redistribution of land.
    Gewann and Feld were regional units which controlled communal land ownership and agricultural operation (in Germany). As for “Aza” in Japan, in paddy fields requiring irrigation, strips in the same “Aza” were and still are frequently irrigated by the same irrigation canal. The smallest group of people engaged in rice-planting or irrigation is formed among farmers who have paddy-fields in the same “Aza” rather than among neighbors.
    If we look at a section in the old Chinese Seiden system, which is a prototype of the Japanese Jori-system, we see that this section is a square which eight families cultivated, and one unit with the same communal controls for irrigation and cultivation.
    The writer would take “Aza” and Gewann for the smallest unit of the regior, ecotop. However, in contrast to Gewann and Feld in the three field system of western Europe, “Aza” has played no regional function as a unit of property allocation.
  • 長井 政太郎
    1960 年 12 巻 1 号 p. 21-31,95
    発行日: 1960/02/28
    公開日: 2009/04/28
    ジャーナル フリー
    In Yamagata, an old castle town, there are several detached land-plots which are inconvenient for administrative purpose, for administrations as well as for farmers. People usually refer to these plots by colloquiel names instead of using original names which are used officially.
    Besides the deteched-plots in the city, there are many plots on an alluvial fan outside of the village; these are situated on the upper part of the alluvial fan and on the mountain slops.
    With the recent deforestation of the alluvial fan, farmers in the villages at the foot of the mountain who had poor fields have cultivated fields in the fan. This is often the origin of detached plots.
    There is another opinion that these detached plots were created by the change of land-register through trade or transfer, although I can not find such instances from the land documents in the village.
    Lord Torii made a survey of the land, which was followed by lord Hoshina's survey. And he made a makimono (roll) 18, in which he encluded the areas of detached plot belong to each village with their land taxvalue. After it seems as if another land survey was made, but the total rice production and arable fields in each village was not changed most villages.
    Judging from the documents, the property of manor lords, shrines and temples was written under each land-owner on land survey books, unless they were far away. Since before the feudal lord system in the 17th century, this system has continued.
    This in one example which we see that in modern cities characteristics of feudal time still survived.
  • その性格と展開過程
    三浦 総子
    1960 年 12 巻 1 号 p. 31-50,95
    発行日: 1960/02/28
    公開日: 2009/04/28
    ジャーナル フリー
    Since the Meiji Restoration with the advance of manufacturing techniques and the growth of markets, there have been many developments in the pottery industry new productive centers, and concentration of production and changes in production system. As a result, regional difference in production have become obvious.
    In the case of the pottery industry in Nagoya city, it was not a traditional center for pottery and was far from the clay deposits. Nevertheless, it became a pottery producing center at the beginning of the Meiji era and has since developed more than the traditional pottery centers since 1908; it now claims 20% of the pottery production in Japan. There are only a few large-scale factories which produce foreign-style table wares and insulators for export, but many small-scale specialized enterprises which produce export goods.
    Nagoya pottery centers have special characteristics which differ from the traditional centers in respect to the kind of production, size of the factories and the system of production. Finishing processors have played an important role in the development of Nagoya centers. They have bought unfinished pottery from traditional pottery centers such as Seto and Tono (eastern part of Gifu Pref.) and have decorated it to meet the demands of foreign markets.
    Since the Nagoya industry was managed by former farmers and marchants and not by traditional pottery-producers. They were able to subordinate traditional poducers by contracting home-industry workers and Samurai who had lost their social position. In this way, they have been able to produce and sale at a low price and have gotten control of the foreign market over more advanced countries. Nippon China Co. which is the largest pottery-producing factory in Japan has grown in just this way.
    Nagoya has the advantage of being a port-city and of being located near the traditional pottery centers. Other general tendencies such as Japan's developing role in world trade, and the development of transportation and manufacturing techniques have contributed to the growth of the industry in Nagoya. But, even more important is the fact that capital and labor in Nagoya have been able to work efficiently without the restraint of tradition.
  • 川崎 茂
    1960 年 12 巻 1 号 p. 50-76,97
    発行日: 1960/02/28
    公開日: 2009/04/28
    ジャーナル フリー
    Area of old mining pattern in the feudal age had been generally expanding in the progress of Japanese industrial revolution in Meiji era. In the process of its expanding, mining industry had variously to do with the village community which located on its expanding area.
    Intending to research of these both relations in that process, I have inquired into Kamioka Mine the largest zinc and lead-mine in Japan, in Hida mountain district.
    This mining pattern, in which many Yamashi's (mining managers) scattered here nnd there on the mountain-side, above 800 metres in height and worked silver, copper, and lead mines with old mining techniques during the Tokugawa Shogunate (1600∼1867), has been collectively modernized by the Mitsui plutocracy since 1886.
    Since then, the Mitsui (mining manager) has concentrated, in the area of a small village community called Shikama-mura, the mills of ore dressing and smelting, and the quarters of mining management. In the process of this concentrating, the land utilization of Shikama-mura-paddy fields and upland fields on the river terrace, and the common forest-land of the community-has been completely changing into the mining land, ore dressing and smelting etc.
    In these changes into the mining land, the Shikama-mura has firmly stood face to face with the Mitsui. The former had parted with all fields, but has been leaving the common forest-land lent to the latter. That is, through the common forest-land, the remains of the village community have been maintained to 1959.
  • 赤峰 倫介
    1960 年 12 巻 1 号 p. 77-89
    発行日: 1960/02/28
    公開日: 2009/04/28
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 藤本 利治
    1960 年 12 巻 1 号 p. 89-90
    発行日: 1960/02/28
    公開日: 2009/04/28
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 薬師 義夫
    1960 年 12 巻 1 号 p. 90
    発行日: 1960/02/28
    公開日: 2009/04/28
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 今村 学郎
    1960 年 12 巻 1 号 p. 91
    発行日: 1960/02/28
    公開日: 2009/04/28
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 水山 高幸
    1960 年 12 巻 1 号 p. 91a-92
    発行日: 1960/02/28
    公開日: 2009/04/28
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 押野 昭生
    1960 年 12 巻 1 号 p. 92-93
    発行日: 1960/02/28
    公開日: 2009/04/28
    ジャーナル フリー
feedback
Top