Along with the de-Stalinization, sociology has been liberated in the Soviet Union and it now presents a scene of “one hundred flowers in full bloom”. Soviet sociologists, however, are facing a basic dilemma how to bridge the traditional historical materialism (so-called marxist sociology) and the western sociology (so-called bourgeoie sociology). They are now very earnest in introducing the american sociological methods, in spite of their formal criticism toward the bourgeoie sociology.
This trend engendered re-examination of the relationship betmeen historical materialism and marxist sociology itself. Traditionally, these two disciplines were regarded as identical, but professor Kuchinskii, east german economist, first arose the problem to differentiate the two in his article of “Sociological law” in the jonrnal of PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY, 1957. No. 5.
According to his distinction, historical materialism is to analyse the general law governing the relationships between nature, society and thinking, which are main three components of the world. Contrariwise, marxist sociology refers the spesific law gorerning the relationships between various parts of society, or relationships between nature as a whole and part of society, or thinking as a whole and part of society.
A lot of critical articles as follows was forwarded to his article.
Verbin et als, Historical Materialism and Sociology.
Kolbanovskii, On the Shbject of Marxist Sociology.
Narskii, On Historical Materialism as Marxist Sociology.
Karavaev, Historical Materialism and Concrete Research in Socioligy.
Kelle et al, On the Classification of Social Sciences.
Konstantinov et als, Historical Materialism, it is Marxist Sociology.
This paper traced these discussions in detail and clarified the relationship between historical materialism and marxist sociology.

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Class-stratification theories up to the present could be classified according to their emphasis on either one of the following elements: (1) economic, (2) political, (3) ‘relational’, and (4) normative. However, it seems theoretically more appropriate to suppose that the class-stratification structure is a complex whole complex of all of these elements, and that it is, in its main tendency, a self-perpetuating system. In this paper, a tentative schema of a theory of social class is pro- posed, which includes all of these elements in an analytical way. This paper takes the form of an analysis of the four elements of social class structure.
The analysis here follows the same line as the functional analysis of social systems already developed, but some sophistication has beem made to modify the existing model and to establish a new one, which is mose adequate for present analysis. Two important modifications are made. Firstly, personality is considered as an independent system in contrast to the social system, and it is suggested that the existence of the social system depends on the simultaneous satisfaction of the functional requisits of both the social system and of the personality system. Focusing on the personality; conversely, this idea may be formulated around the dual aspects of human existence in society, namely, contribution (man's contribution to the society) and ‘enjoyment’ (man's enjoyment of the society). It is proposed, then, that social class phenomena are to be understood on an ‘enjoyment’ level. Secondly, it is supposed that there are four kinds of ‘social products’ in the widest sense of the word, which are produced in the human interaction process in the four dimensions of the functional requisits of the social system. These products are: (1) ‘goods and services, ’ (2) ‘political power, ’ (3) ‘solidarity, ’ and (4) ‘prestige.’ These products are either allocated as ‘resources’ prepared for the fulfillment of the functional requisits of the social system, or distributed as ‘rewards’ prepared for the satisfaction of those of the personality system. In an analogy with the concept of GNP in economics, the following equation may be set up: the whole sum of ‘social products’=‘resources’+‘rewards.’ It is proposed that the class structure ls essentially the distribution of ‘rewards, ’ which should not be confused with the allocation of ‘resources.’
A limit of this analysis, however, must be recognized. Because standards with which the ligitimacy of a certain class structure is judged is a function of power relations and the value system, a fuller sudy of the class structure must involve an examination of these factors.
In this study, the main concern has been to analyze the structural elements of class structure. Consequently, it is to be postponed for the next opportunity to make the an analysis of the functional relations between these elements for a more elaborate sohema.
It seems, however, that this study has two merits. Firstly, departing from explanations of social class in terms of one ‘dominant’ element, it suggests the possibility of a class theory as an analytical tool and puts an end to the fruitless arguments on class indices. Secondly, in understanding social class on the ‘enjoyment’ level, it avoids the danger of ‘falling into a trap, ’ that is, of understanding the social class phenomena exclusively in terms of functions of the social system.

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Our problem is—what is meant by the word mother in Japanese culture? What meaning is the mother presumed to have for the self in Japan? We took up a radio program called “Haha o Kataru” to grasp the meaning of the Japanese mother. In this program, many persons who are well-known in the mass conmunication world talk about their own mothers for fifteen minutes. We got one hundred and forty-four broadcasting tapes. From the point of view of our analysis whether the facts they told are true or not is unimportant, though interpretations or meaning they imputed are significant.
Three fifths of the subjects who spoke about their mothers are male. Sixty per cent of them are public entertainers, thirty-three per cent are intellectuals or artists, seven per cent have other occupations. A half of their mothers are already dead.
By analyzing themes appearing in their talks and their interpretation of them, we think we can construct the following conceptions of the mother.
1. The mother is essentially a valuable person.
2. The mother sacrifices herself to the child and the husband, and so doing she finds her life worth living.
3. The child can take advantage of such a mother (amaeru).
4. The mother may provoke guilt feelings within the child, especially after her death.
5. The mother is a poychological prop and stay for the child; and his achievement or what he is is looked upon what he owes to her.
6. The mother may be the motive for the child's achievements. (The child strives in his life in order to make his mother happy, and the child expects his own achievement to be appraised by her.)
7. The mother is sentimentalized or emotionalized as the object of the child's lifelong attachment. The word ‘mother’ (okâsan, ofukuro) itself induces specific sentimental reaction.

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One outstanding characteristic of kinship organization in in Japan is that both Dozoku (patrilineal descent) and Shinrui (bilateral kindred) are operating simultaneously in it. Therefore, the study of Japanese kinship organization as a whole requires that structural and functional relationships and the mutual dynamism between these two be analyzed together rather than each of them separately. From this point of view this paper first presents a theoretical hypothesis regarding the fundamental mutual relationships between Dozoku and Shinrui and then attempts to verify this hypothesis on the basis of empirical data.
Hypothesis: The symbiosis of two different organizations assumes that the Ie, their structural unit, contains the two forces for uniting its members, thus making possible the simultaneous operation of Dozoku and Shinrui. The first force of ties refers to the institutionalized and histolical patriarchal ties and the second force refers to the universal nucleal bonding of family.
Dozoku ties are the result of the extention of the structural principles of the Ie as a patriarchal family, the patrilineal descent system in the descent rules, to the kinship system. In contrast, Shinrui ties are the result of the bilaterally direct extention to the kinship system of the structural principles of the family nucleus which excludes the lineal principle as a bilateral kin group. Therefore, Dozoku as a lineage has the characteristics of a corporate group which requires continuity, whereas Shinrui as an ego-centered network has the characteristics of a quasi-group. As a result, Shinrui relationships are equal, their range is fluctuating, and kinship roles are unstable.
The simultaneous operation of these two organizations is possible due to their structural, functional differentiation. This implies that, if one of them becomes dominant in its function, the functional significance of the other is weakened. For instance, when the structural principles of the Ie permeate into the family nucleus and Dozoku bonding is reinforced, it is likely that Shinrui relationships will be in terms of the Ie rather than individuals, personal selectivity will be curbed, and a bias will be shown towards the paternal side in the kinship system. In short, the dominance of either of these two organizations determines the character of the kinship organization and its regional variations in Japan.
Findings: An empirical analysis was made of the organizations of the Kabu (a group of families having the same family name) and the Ikke (a kindred in Futamata-buraku, Tango. The analysis produced the following results: (a) The basis of the Kabu is usually Dozoku ties. However, in Futamata the Ie descent relationships are already unidentifiable and the function of the Kabu is limited to the sphere of ancestral worship as a Kabu-Ko (a formal Kabu organization for ancestral worshipping services) and in the sphere of routine mutual aids the Kabu strongly tends to function as a simple neighbourhood. Also the Honya-Inkyo (stock family-branch family) relationships, which have emerged from the internal differentiation within the Kabu, have completely dissolved the hierarchical order that placed the stock family at its top, and their relationships are barely maintained in the sphere of formal association among Ie. Therefore, Shinrui is functionally more dominant than Dozoku in the kinship organization of Futamata. (b) The analysis of the Ikke relationships in terms of i) maximum range, ii) internal differentiation, and iii) mutual contact and grouping showed first that the maximum range of the Ikke's potential mobilization towards grouping is shallow in its generation depth and narrow in its lateral extention. The range and depth of nominated kin shows inclination and continuity towards the Ego side and personal familiarity is high on the consanguineal side. Also the formal grading in the Ikke presents an asymmetrical structure, Koishin (intimate kin) favoring

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The nain object of this article is to give an overall picture of the internal migraion which Japan has been experiencing recently, and to draw ro the attention of social scientists, particularly of sociologists, the remarkable significance of the migration behavior of Japanese. Migration movement is really the nodal point of behavioral science in which sociology and economics, and also especially geography could and should be comprehensive studied closely with demography.
However, economic, social and cultural factors affeecting migration movement, which are very interesting for social scientists, are not discussed here mostly because of space limitation.
Beginning from the observation of the national magnitude of internal migration, the inter-and intra-prefectural migration and also the regional migration stream and counterstream are discussed. Then, migration movement in large cities and metropolitan areas is taken up, which may be helpful in finding out predicative suggestions for metropolitan development.
Lastly, drastic urbanward migration from rural and agricultural sectors is discussed, and demographic and socioeconomic influences are pointed out.

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The purpose of this paper is to present a problem with respect to the theory of the three-generation family. It seems to the present writer that most of Japanese family socilogists lay stress on the study of the ie system and overlooks the problem of the internal structure of this family.
However, according to intensive research we made of the urban families in Hokkaido by comparing them in two types- the independent enterpriser's family and the employee's family, many of them have been organized under the different social and cultural conditions from the ie system. Their characteristics are follows.
1) In the formation of the three-generation families, they do not always keep continuity from the father to the eldest son and his immediate family. It is not rare especially in the employee's family that married children who have been apart from their parents are living with them now.
2) Some of the independent enterpriser of shop and factory succeed to their father's property and business. But the employee's family does not so. In the latter, internal needes for mutual aid between parent's family and children's family are main motives of the formation of the three-generattn family. Examples: an old woman lives within her son's family because she needs the economic and emotional maintence after death of her spouse, and an old couple who is living with their second son's family and help in taking partial charge of the household care temporarily.
3) Status and role of the head of the independent enterpriser's family are rather integrated. On the contrary, the employee's family consists of two families, children's family and parent's family, and therefore role of this family head is not integrated.
4) There is a kind of regularity in the dynamic process of the composition and separation of children's family and parent's family especially in the case of the employee's family. There are many old people who need the emotional maintenance in a certain period of time on one hand. On the other hand, children's family often acquires a parent's aid especially when young wife goes outside the home to work. Parent's needs sometimes coincide with children's needs and some people try to satisfy such needs in living together. A well-timed separation of these families before they live in the same house has a good effect on the internal family relations.
Consequently, we can divide the three-generation family into two types, independent enterpriser's family and employee's family, and according to the process of their composition, minor classifications are possible.
Indeed, in our society, modernization of the family seems to facilitate the increase of the nuclear family. However, the most essential problem for the family sociologists is not whether the three-generation family will continue to exist or not, but how to observe and analyse the interrelations between children's family and parent's family as they are. Here, the three-generation family offers us the most appropriate material as to this problem.

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