Most of the rural communities in Hokkido were formed during the years from 1890 to 1920's, when people from all parts of Japan (NAICHI) migrated into Hokkaido at the rate 10, 000 to 260, 000 households a year. This means that, every year, 0.10% to 0.24% of all the households in Japan immigrated to Hokkado, and 20% to 60% of these migrating households were engaged in farming. Though they did not have neighboring, personal, and or face-to-face relationship with each other, these immigrants formed social relations and social organizations whose unit was each household as IE.
From this fact, we can hypothesize about the rural society in the main land Japan (NAICHI) that the were conditions, both outside and inside of each BURAKU, which made people leave their BURAKU with the whole family and quit farming. Some people chose to, and others were forced to leave their BURAKU : and some of these people migrated into Hokkaido.
I. In Japan, total arable land was 5, 060, 000 CHO in 1900 and 6, 080, 000 CHO in 1920. During these years, the farming population decreased from 16, 840, 000 to 14, 120, 000 ; the number of farming households increased slightly to 5, 480, 000 in 1920. Let us compare the number of farming households and the mean of arable land per a farming household in 1890 and 1920. In 1920 the total number of farming households in each prefecture was 80% to 130% of that in 1890. The number decreased in more that half of the prefectures. The mean of arable land per a farming household in eace prefecture in 1920 was 80% to 160% of that in 1890. In more than half of the prefectures the mean increased. Thus, with the improvement of agricultural technology, there were many cases that farmers left their BURAKU with the whole family.
II. The productivity and stability of rice prodution increased with the improvement of agricultural technology. In 1990's this cased reduction and break down of such type of land holding that landlords themselves cultivate some part of their own land besides renting -ZINUSHI-TEZUKURI KEIEI-. This trend is one of the conditions which brought about the situation described in I.
Immigrants to Hokkaido came from all parts of Japan ; among them many came from TOHOKU and HOKURIKU regions, where only rice was produced, at a higher rate especially during the years from 1905 to 1920's. The number of households immigrated from the prefectures of these regions, from 1892 to 1922, amounted to 60% of all the households immigrated to Hokkaido during these years. Most of the BURAKU in these prefectures were under the domination of “huge” landlords who owned 100 CHO to 1, 000 CHO -KYODAI ZINUSHI. Rapid technological innovation which took place in these BRRAKU gave rise to the domination of these absentee, huge landlords, while the smaller landlords who lived within ruined. The absentee, huge landlords managed to tenants through land agents -SAHAI or TEDAI. The relationship between the landlord and the tenat came to be impersonal, non-neighboring, and to have the nature of contract. Both on the side of landlords and the tenants, there were motives which caused severe competition of selecting tenants to survive in the BURAKU. As its result, some of the tenants increased their land, and others left BURAKU and or farming, so did the ruined, smaller landlords too. Part of these people migrated into Hokkaido.

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1. HYPOTHESIS : It is frequently assumed that the Japanese kinship systems have undergone a change from the dôzoku [a patrilineally arganized group of stem-families] to the shinrui relationship [bilateral kindred]. The purpose of this paper, however, is to discuss that in Japan dôzoku and shinrui have been simultaneously co-existing and operating in a given community. This is based upon an assumption that the internal structure of the traditional or an historical Japanese family called ie has in itself orientations to two heterogeneous types of kinship organizations [dôzoku shinrui]. The ie has dual structures, that is, as aspects of perpetuating corporate, patriarchal family and aspects af elementary family. The former extends to a corporate ie-to-ie group, and the later to bilateral kin groupings. They tend to slave functions in the different social context of the community.
2. Findings : All of 39 families, in Nenba Buraku (in Yamanashi-Prefecture) to 4 ikkeshu groups, ranging from 4 families to 15. Each of the 4 ikkeshu groups is formed on the base of the geneological relationship of families involved. Ikkeshu is able to regard as Dôzoku group. Although the mutual recognition of their descent status as honke & bunke within each ikkeshu is almost clear, the integration of the group as a whole becomes gradually to weaken. Its functions are limited to ancestral worship and to very routinized participation to family occasions. Then, intimate co-operations and assistances in daily life are performed within oyako, and especially, within ichioyako relationships. This oyako is a recognized grouping of bilateral kinsmen and is traced through blood, marriage and adoption. All oyako relations of a particular person are divided into several sub-groupings, based on the degree of kin-relations and significance to the person. Ichioyako is the most intimate and significant oyako to ego and, of course, the core part of kinship organization in the Nenbe Buraku. The range of the most intimate kin, ichioyako, seems to be ego's parents siblings, married children, maternal and paternal uncles & aunts, and nephews within Nenba. On the offinal side, ego's spouse's parents and sibilings, and ego's eldest son's spouse's parents.
The significance of oyako ties lies in day-to-day reciprocal co-operations, in the exchange of advice on various familial affairs, in the atttendance on the ceremonial occasions and the crisis of life, and in the assistances of house construction or roof-thatching, etc. The oyako's participation in these activities is formailzed and bound by the elaborate and firm obiligations.
Now, these formalized practices and behavior patterns of oyako, especially, of ichioyako, I think, dose not develop recently with the weakening of dôzoku ties, but these have continued for a fairly long time in Nenba as one of the most important institutionalized social patterns.

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To make a sociological and clarifying explanation of a fishing village, We shall have to take into consideration not only a “village” itself but “fishery.”The author has made a fishing village on South coast of Hokkaido an object of his study and made researches on the fact that the social structure of the village has undergone changes with those of the bases of its production and so a family, fundamental unit of community, has moved of its from and socio-economic status.
During the periods 19551965, the fishey of the village has remarkably changed There, motorization of fishing boat and emplyment for mother ship-fishery (Salmon, Trout, Crab, etc.) were very maintaining the bases of the community.
The social structure of the village, accompanying with the change, especially socio-economic status of a family has largely moved. By the spread of a fishing motor boar in the village, the bosses of fishermene(Senshu and Amimoto), traditionally have been depending on inner-village for the fisning employee, have fallen of their status. Otherwise, together with removal of the lower status, the constitution of the socio-economic status in the village was changed for flat and the social regulation is relaxing gradually.
The classification of family patterns in the fishing were divided into 13 types Through the processes of their changes, has been found a lineal cycle.
The movements of the socio-economic status of family were arranged into 3 patterns : ascending, descening and medium. And has studied of the causes of the movements.

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The sociological theory of industrial relations has become important for the study of human aspects of industrialization and urban industrial societies. The main problem is now the way to gain industrial democracy and the way to find methodology for grasping special or synthetic concept about industrial relations.
Industrialism brought forth employer-employee relations, technological development and changes of organization. Traditionalism was gradually destroyed in some factors of per-industrial communities. The paper deals with some changing elements, social and organizational, which make up the historical patterns of industrial relations systems. Those are ideologies of management, personalities of the workers social relations of industry and the community, and finally the technical patterns of industrial organization.
These factors in modern society originate from the structure of traditional communities. The traditionalism is, however, to be conquered by industrialization, urbanization, reactions of trade unionism as well as innovations. Thus the way to industrial democracy is oriented to the denial of this traditionalism.
This study provides a perspective that brings better understanding to and reseach method for this field, introducing a comparative case study of two industries in Hokkaido.

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