Japanese Sociological Review
Online ISSN : 1884-2755
Print ISSN : 0021-5414
ISSN-L : 0021-5414
Volume 27, Issue 4
Displaying 1-11 of 11 articles from this issue
  • Masahito Suzuki
    1977 Volume 27 Issue 4 Pages 2-21
    Published: March 31, 1977
    Released on J-STAGE: November 11, 2009
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    There have been several works on Max Weber's methodology. But it seems they confine themselves to the methodological theory itself without making any reference to his empirical studies. In this paper, I attempt to investigate the way in which Max Weber applied his own methodology in dealing with social realities for analysis.
    As I understand, his method of sociological analysis consists of three stages of procedure, which are overtly or implicitly stated both in his theoretical and empirical studies : first to construct “Wert Idee” in his mind as a scientist ; secondly, to organize major subjects of his study in the light of this value system and by means of “funktionale Betrachtung” and “funktionale Vorfragestellung” ; and thirdly to present causal explanation and formulation about the defined subjects by using the concepts of “Beobachten” and “Verstehen”.
    The point which I would like to stress is that Max Weber used to devote himself for consciously elaborating the first two stages beforehand so that his work would be oriented in a proper way. And this is the real reason, I think, why his works are full of insight and well organized to give an impression of the great.
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  • Takatoshi Imada
    1977 Volume 27 Issue 4 Pages 22-41
    Published: March 31, 1977
    Released on J-STAGE: November 11, 2009
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    Since Action Analysis perspective has been adopted in sociology, the Dyad had been considered the basic analytical unit of the social system. Today, it is a widely-known fact that sociologist try to apply the dyadic concepts and frame of reference to the analysis of the total social system. In this paper, too, I focus my analysis on the stability conditions of the dyadic system with implication for the analysis of the total social system.
    Several sociologists have repeatedly pointed out that the inquiry of the stability conditions is indispensable for any adequate analysis of the social system. Nevertheless, genuine work for the solution of this problem has yet to be done. This paper has been written with this very realization.
    In order to proceed with this work, we must first make a clear and accurate model about dyadic system by specifying several assumptions and then draw out the stability conditions deductively. Through the reinterpretation of basic concepts in Homans' “Elementary Social Behavior”, a very significant contribution to the synthesis of economic behavior and operant behavior, I have attempted to formulate the dyadic model mathematically. Furthermore, the stability conditions of the dyadic model is considered with the assistance of the analytical tools of stability analysis, which has been developped in the Modern Systems Tneory, and these conditions are later discussed sociologically.
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  • Makoto Okada
    1977 Volume 27 Issue 4 Pages 42-55
    Published: March 31, 1977
    Released on J-STAGE: November 11, 2009
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    Youth problems are often confused by Japanese adults with student problems, because the most dominant among the youths are students.
    Japanese youths, the dominant portion of which are students, are at a glance homogeneous beings, long haired, wearing G-pants, and sometimes several books under their arms. But the fact is that they are rather heterogeneous than being homogeneous.
    To analyze the “deviant behaviours” and complicated heterogeneity of Japanese youths systematically, it might be convenient to adopt as working hypothesis the scheme which was established by Merton decades ago and quoted in this paper as Tab. 1.
    But Japanese youths are too heterogeneous to be adequately investigated so long as the scheme is applied by rote. So the author modified Tab. 1 for Tab. 2. The fundamental standpoint of modification is as follows.
    Merton clarified the relation between deviant behaviours and reference groups. That is, the“rebellion” from a certain standpoint of a certain group is, according to him, nothing but the conformity viewed from another standpoint of another group. ( on Tab. 1 and 2).
    Indeed his explanation is reasonable, but such cases are even possible to be existing. 1. The non-conformist (or retreatist in Merton's terminology) of a certain group is not welcomed also by another group. ( on Tab. 2). 2. The non-conformist of a certain group is a partially conforming to another group. (, )
    Even “conformity” is not monotonous. Conformity to a certain group means sometimes “rebellion” to another group, and sometimes not. Some conformists might be also conformists even among another group, while another somes might possible to be “innovators” or “ritualists” viewed from another group. (, , , )
    In the same way, “innovation” and “ritualism” might be subdivided. (, , , ;, , , )
    Thus we get to Tab. 2.Every behaviour of the youths might be classified as one of the categories on this table, assuming, e.g. a big company as “a certain group”, and anti-monopoly movement as “another group”.
    Generally, the reference of a certain person depends on his way of life, and youth's way of life owes much to his parents, who are belonging to one of the several social classes. Social classes is a dependent variable of youth's reference.
    Even the youths, who are at a glance homogeneous, are in fact stratificated on the basis of social class structure. Such a situation is inevitable to be reflected on their behaviours. The corresponding relations between adaptation patterns and social classes are, though not so strict ones, illustrated on Tab. 3.
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  • 1977 Volume 27 Issue 4 Pages 55
    Published: 1977
    Released on J-STAGE: November 11, 2009
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • Takashi Noguchi
    1977 Volume 27 Issue 4 Pages 56-62
    Published: March 31, 1977
    Released on J-STAGE: November 11, 2009
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    The purpose of this paper is to compare three concepts of social structure which have been designed by A.R. Radcliffe-Brown, Claude Lévi-Strauss, and Georges Gurvitch.
    Radcliffe-Brown has defined social structure as “the network of actually existing relations”, taking an empirical position to see social reality on its surface. In contrast to this view, Lévi-Strauss has conceived of structure as a model, the formal property of which can be compared independently of its elements ; that is, he attempts to analyse structure at deeper level than empirical reality. However, these views run to extremes ; the former being too empirical and the latter too abstruct transcending the socio-cultural level.
    The real sociological standpoint should be that of empiricoideal or concrete-abstract as Gurvitch has assumed. Critisizing that Radcliffe-Brown's position is superficial and that of Lévi-Strauss is systematic but not holistic, Gurvitch emphasizes the meaning of social whole itself besides the interaction of social elements. And he attempts to analyse the social reality in a dynamic way, saying that the essence must be seeked in its movement and depth.
    Accepting Gurvitch's basic stand, I suggests in these paper that structure must be conceived as a totality of both culturally and socially constructed structures.
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  • Kenya Numata
    1977 Volume 27 Issue 4 Pages 63-70
    Published: March 31, 1977
    Released on J-STAGE: November 11, 2009
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    In order to study Japanese culture, we had better scrutinize “The chrysanthemum and the sword” written by Ruth Benedict.
    Though the book has been criticized as static and not historical, it has many merits. Historians point out some mistakes and scarcity of data. Some scholar esteem the book highly while other criticize it completely. I think the book is the preliminary trial for comparative study of nations.
    Ruth Benedict said as follows. In anthropological studies of different cultures the distinction between those which rely heavily on shame and those that rely heavily on guilt is an important one. A society that inculcates absolute standards of morality and relies on men's developing a conscience is a guilt culture by definition, Where shame is the major sanction, a man does not experience relief when he makes his fault public even to a confessor. So long as his bad behavior does not 'get out into the world' he need not be troubled.
    True shame cultures rely on external sanctions for good behavior, not, as true guilt cultures do, on an internalized conviction of sin. Shame is a reaction to other people's criticism. A man is shamed either by being openly ridiculed and rejected. But in America a man may suffer from guilt though no man knows of his misdeed and a man's feeling of guilt may actualy be relieved by confessing his sin. American do not expect shame to do the heavy work of morality.
    Many scholar has criticized doctrins about two types of culture. R.P. Dore insists that it is not pertinent to divide Japanese culture into two types and other say shame culture does not rely on external sanction.
    But for all that, the book has yet value to scrutinize.
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  • [in Japanese]
    1977 Volume 27 Issue 4 Pages 71-74
    Published: March 31, 1977
    Released on J-STAGE: November 11, 2009
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • [in Japanese]
    1977 Volume 27 Issue 4 Pages 74-77
    Published: March 31, 1977
    Released on J-STAGE: November 11, 2009
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    Download PDF (443K)
  • [in Japanese]
    1977 Volume 27 Issue 4 Pages 77-80
    Published: March 31, 1977
    Released on J-STAGE: November 11, 2009
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • [in Japanese]
    1977 Volume 27 Issue 4 Pages 81-84
    Published: March 31, 1977
    Released on J-STAGE: November 11, 2009
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • [in Japanese]
    1977 Volume 27 Issue 4 Pages 84-87
    Published: March 31, 1977
    Released on J-STAGE: November 11, 2009
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    Download PDF (438K)
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