[in Japanese]

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[in Japanese]

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Examinations in the Meiji Era have been described in the history of education administration or the social history of schooling. However, this paper describes them as a part of social relations outside the school (ex. kinship, community) from the point of view of “social exchange of children”. This enables us to use Lévi=Strauss' and Polanyi's scheme of exchange in dealing with the question of children. It analyses 137 autobiographies of the Nikkei's “Watashi-no Rirekisho” column from both qualitative and quantitative points of view.
Firstly, “Yoshi (adoption)” and “Azuke (entrusting)” can be regarded as formation of connection between families by transferring children. Especially, the importance of the mother-side uncle can be understood in Lévi=Strauss' “restricted exchange” model and Polanyi's “reciprocity” model. Secondly, “Hoko (apprenticeship)” and “Terakoya (private elementary school)” can be considered to have the similar function to connect families through they show elements of Polanyi's “market exchange” or “redistribution” model.
Thirdly, “Gakko (School)”, “Ryo (Dormitory)” and “Jitaku (Parents' home)” have deprived children of the area between families, and include them within the gate to mediate the state and each family in both market exchange and redistribution mode of exchange. As a result, “Gakko”, “Ryo” and “Jitaku” have transformed children from a medium of relations between families into a measure of competition. “Parents' home-School” pattern tends to emphasize the importance of examination more than “Others' home-Non school” pattern. This conclusion suggests a new hypothesis on the mechanism of the upheaval of examination competition since the end of the Meiji Era.

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The mental illness seems to have special stigma, different from that of other physical illness. The stigma assigns such negative images that they might break social norms or they can't live social life with other people. As a result, they are apt to be excluded from the society. Although the problem of mental patients have been studied such various fields as in psychiatry, psychology and social welfare, the main themes of these sutdies are on the cause of their illness and on the medical rehabilitation for them. Mental patients have been mainly treated as the objects of medical treatment. So, in this paper, I focus on how mental patients living in hard situation really feel as the subujects, and what process they are experiencing to overcome their situation.
This focus has been overlooked until now. I will analyze the following points. (1) What do the mental patients feel, assigned the stigma of “losing their sociality” by their illness? (2) How do the mental patients experience the vicious circle process named by R.K. Merton “self-fulfillng prophesy”, which means here that the stigma of losing sociality makes it more difficult for them to have any social relationship with other people? (3) How do they try to emancipate from the stigma of “losing sociality” and how can they regain their sociality?
I found two mental patients associations wich are led not by any medical professional or patient's family, but are organized and managed by the patients themselves. These associations publish their bulletins, of which articles written by patients themselves are used here in my study, because I wish to grasp their true and natural feelings.

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The recent studies on the Italian worker cooperatives in Japan generally have the tendency to be concentrated on those of the industrialized regions such as Emilia Romagna and other cities in the northern Italy, in consequence of being much interested in the close relationship between the cooperative movement and labour movement.
If we expect however that the cooperatives should have capacity to tackle some of the various problems which lie in front of us and could be one of “social inventions” as W.F. Whyte pointed out, it is necessary to recognize inevitability of outbreak of cooperative and of its development, based on the potential wants of inhabitants concerned and their imagination through everyday life.
At this moment, when we are confronted, also in Japan, with the problems of underemployment and/or that of unemployment, especially at the local cities, from which the factories and workshops attracted by the largest enterprises have been moving out to the other Asian countries, searching for cheaper personnel expenses, we are driven of necessity to establish by ourselves some alternative subjects of planning/realizing a regional socio-economy based on the convenience and necessity, which are inherently inquired by the people who are living at that area.
As the first step, on the hypothesis that the worker cooperatives are to be one of these initiatives, I would like to show the case study, by means of discussing the development of the women's worker cooperatives in Sardinia of the southern Italy, by which I would like to clarify the social elements and their processes to move towards the self-organizing socio-economy systems.

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[in Japanese]

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Life history can be considered as a collaboration produced by an interviewer/listener and an interviewee/teller. We examine it through the communications theory proposed by G. Bateson. According to this theory, life history contains two levels : the relation-level and the content-level. The former means a relationship between interviewer and interviewee, when both are communicative actors in the interactional situation of the life history interview. The latter concerns the stories narrated by interviewee.
The life history described in this paper demonstrates a correspondence at these two levels. First, we focus on the verbal interactions between these two communicative actors, especially looking at them from the interviewer's viewpoint. And then we analyze the content of the narrative told by interviewee. This analysis presents that the interviewer can affect the content of the narrative in the process of producing intimacy ; that is, as the interviewer uses words of agreement or encouragement, and the intimacy between the two becomes higher on the relation-level, we can find changes occuring at the content-level in different versions of the same life history. This indicates that the relation-level is relevant to the content-level.
The stigma assigns such negative images that they might break social norms or they can't live social life with other people. As a result, they are apt to be excluded from the society. Although the problem of mental patients have been studied such various fields as in psychiatry, psychology and social welfare, the main themes of these sutdies are on the cause of their illness and on the medical rehabilitation for them. Mental patients have been mainly treated as the objects of medical treatment. So, in this paper, I focus on how mental patients living in hard situation really feel as the subujects, and what process they are experiencing to overcome their situation.
This focus has been overlooked until now. I will analyze the following points. (1) What do the mental patients feel, assigned the stigma of “losing their sociality” by their illness? (2) How do the mental patients experience the vicious circle process named by R.K. Merton “self fulfiling prophesy”, which means here that the stigma of losing sociality makes it more difficult for them to have any social relationship with other people? (3) How do they try to emancipate from the stigma of “losing sociality” and how can they regain their sociality ?
I found two mental patients associations wich are led not by any medical professional or patient's family, but are organized and managed by the patients themselves. These associations publish their bulletins, of which articles written by patients themselves are used here in my study, because I wish to grasp their true and natural feelings.

View full abstract