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Volume 45 (1994 - 199･･･
- Issue 4 Pages 400-
- Issue 3 Pages 316-
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Volume 45, Issue 4
Displaying 1-16 of 16 articles from this issue
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[in Japanese], [in Japanese]1995 Volume 45 Issue 4 Pages 400-401
Published: March 30, 1995
Released on J-STAGE: May 07, 2010
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Minoru NAKATA1995 Volume 45 Issue 4 Pages 402-413
Published: March 30, 1995
Released on J-STAGE: May 07, 2010
JOURNAL FREE ACCESSHuman being is living in the bosom of nature, and activities of his society have been governed by the limit of natural resources and environmental capacity. So far, technologies have enlarged the domains of human life. But now, as human activities come up to the natural limit, so only a little extraordinary change in nature would cause human society dysfunction. In these conditions, human society should be studied in relation to the natural resources and environment.
In this paper, I define the environment as 1) physical phenomenon, 2) object used as arenas and resources for human activities, and 3) conditions divided into “built”, “modified” and “natural”. I also define the environmental problems as the situations that make sustainable lives of living things difficult. Prof. K. Miyamoto illustrated the total figure of the environmental problems by a pyramid constructed on the base of global changes of ecosystems up to the kogai diseases. Objects of environmental sociology contain not only total areas of this pyramid but interrelations between environment and society as a whole.
The domain of environmental sociology thus bears relation to almost areas of other branches of sociology, and so, it stands at the point of integrating studies of environmentally related areas in sociology. So, environmental sociology is one of special branches of sociology and its extent would become narrow when sociology as a whole becomes ecologically minded. Environmental sociology can contribute to make paradigm of sociology ecologically symbiotic. This paper also refers to the importance of a culture concerning time.View full abstractDownload PDF (1407K) -
Akihiko TAKADA1995 Volume 45 Issue 4 Pages 414-436
Published: March 30, 1995
Released on J-STAGE: October 13, 2009
JOURNAL FREE ACCESSThe theory of social movements is useful to analyze environmental problems and environmental movements such as anti-pollution movements, natural conservation movements, antinuclear movements and movements to promote amenities. The aim of this paper is to investigate how the theory of social movements is related to the environmental sociology, which is new in the academic field. They are the same, in terms of the subject of the studies. However, they are different from each other concerning the sphere of the environmental problems. We analytically differentiate the sphere into six, using two axes, < self-harming-others-harming > and < local/regional/global >. Then, we try to specify the approaches of the environmental sociology and the theory of social movements into suitable spheres for solving environmental problems.
As approaches to environmental problems, we refer to the sociomaterial circulation, life environmentalism, social dilemma and community co-management in the environmental sociology, and new social movements, resource mobilization and networking in the theory of social movements. In this paper, we define the environment as the situation where the symbiosis between nature and human are sustained in the global circulation of nature, of which conservation has become political issues especially since late 1980s. It is the environmental sociology that analyzes and investigates these issues.View full abstractDownload PDF (2864K) -
Toward an alternative approach to fieldwork which would lead to a change in the attitudes of Sociologists as a socially constructed 'Body'Kazunori MATSUMURA1995 Volume 45 Issue 4 Pages 437-451
Published: March 30, 1995
Released on J-STAGE: November 19, 2010
JOURNAL FREE ACCESSAgripolicies leading to excessive agricultural modernization and mechanization along with the international division of labour and the eventual prevention of rice production lead to depression and a loss of dignity among farmers in early 70's. Though it has been said that the use of dangerous agricultural chemicals brought on the start organic farming, there is no doubt that this loss of dignity was the true reason. Farmers who started organic farms created their own system of food circulation and made a go of TEIKEI system.
There was no clear cut philosophy or system behind the movements, and progress was made by trial and error. Farmers who accumulated their own knowledge and created their own 'field' to which the central and local government and big business paid no attention in the late 70 s and in 80 s.
I try to question the idea of life-environmentalism in Japan with the view of objectifying researches themselves. When investigating the field of Organic Farming in Japan, sociologists are forced to reconsider their approaches to social movements.
As opposed to various citizens movements and the anti-nuclear power movements in Japan which actively fight against a clear opponent, the organic farming movement is one of self reflection. By growing safe foods the members of this movement are learning and peacefully showing their concern for future generations.
The author believes that sociologists don't necessarily have the right to provide ideological leadership for social movements and in contrast should listen to the ideas formulated with in the movement itself.View full abstractDownload PDF (1998K) -
Kokichiro MIURA1995 Volume 45 Issue 4 Pages 469-485
Published: March 30, 1995
Released on J-STAGE: October 13, 2009
JOURNAL FREE ACCESSIn order to recognize and solve environmental problems, there are two different approaches, utilitarianism and normativism. Today the former approach is popular in the domain of environmental policy, e.g. population policy. But in this paper we emphasize the necessity of the latter approach, especially for understanding environmental activities or movements of residents in local community. So, we examine a typical neighbourhood protest movement in Nara prefecture and describe the process of movement in terms of invention of environmental norms and formation of environmental representations by inhabitants. Our theoretical conclusions are that (1) people participate environmental activities or movements not by their personal preferences, but by inducements from their own norms or representations about environmental change, and that (2) at first these norms or representations for using and conserving natural resources occur spontaneously in the movement but immediately begin to place restriction on members slowly but rigorously, so logic or power of norm invention (representation formation) is a crucial problem for environmental activities, and that (3) normativism approach is efficient in understanding political bargaining between local community and administrative authority, and dynamics of norm invention in local community. At last we discuss that utilitarian approach has limits in grasping the otherness of environmental representations and invention of environmental norms.View full abstractDownload PDF (2416K) -
Toward Environmental DemocracyRyoichi TERADA1995 Volume 45 Issue 4 Pages 486-500
Published: March 30, 1995
Released on J-STAGE: October 13, 2009
JOURNAL FREE ACCESSOne of the most important hypotheses among American and European environmental sociologists, both theoretically and practically, has been that of “environmental democracy”. Whether or not environmentally conserving societies (sustainable societies) or social change toward them are more compatible with decentralized social institutions and participating democracy has been controversial.
This hypothesis is examined here, following the cases in which renewable energy technology such as wind turbine generators have been promoted and accepted among citizens. In the State of California, with strong pro-environmental public opinions and active environmental movement groups, the wind energy technology was successfully promoted primarily through economic incentives such as favorable taxation policies. The wind energy has been more willingly accepted among the local residents of Denmark, where wind turbines are owned and managed by local co-operative organizations. On the other hand, in Japan's cases. locally initiated renewable energy projects by citizens and municipalities have been often discouraged by national energy policies. The cases of California, Denmark, and Japan suggest that social and institutional changes toward environmentally desirable societies are more successfully achieved in those societies where decentralized decision making among local governments and citizens are guaranteed, and where environmental organizations are more influential.View full abstractDownload PDF (1928K) -
Hiroshi SUZUKI1995 Volume 45 Issue 4 Pages 501-514
Published: March 30, 1995
Released on J-STAGE: October 13, 2009
JOURNAL FREE ACCESSEnvironmental Sociology is an emerging field to deal with the environmental issues and the relation between environment and society in general. But essentially society exists in the midst of environment, and human beings live in the midst of environment. This fact is clearly formulated as B=f (E·P).
Modern sociology, especially its voluntaristic version, neglects the importance of environmental aspects of the social and behavioral world, subjected to the human exemptionalism and the innocent belief in the limitless growth. I think environmental sociology is in essence a normalization movement against the evolutionistic convergence modernism in 20 century sociology. Environmental sociology brings forward a new and old normal approach to the sociological analysis in general. Every special field of sociology should adopt the environ-mental sociology as a normal method to activate research. In this sense, environmental sociology is indeed the sociology itself in the long run.View full abstractDownload PDF (1498K) -
[in Japanese]1995 Volume 45 Issue 4 Pages 515-516
Published: March 30, 1995
Released on J-STAGE: October 13, 2009
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[in Japanese]1995 Volume 45 Issue 4 Pages 516-518
Published: March 30, 1995
Released on J-STAGE: October 13, 2009
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[in Japanese]1995 Volume 45 Issue 4 Pages 518-520
Published: March 30, 1995
Released on J-STAGE: October 13, 2009
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[in Japanese]1995 Volume 45 Issue 4 Pages 520-521
Published: March 30, 1995
Released on J-STAGE: October 13, 2009
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[in Japanese]1995 Volume 45 Issue 4 Pages 522-523
Published: March 30, 1995
Released on J-STAGE: October 13, 2009
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[in Japanese]1995 Volume 45 Issue 4 Pages 523-525
Published: March 30, 1995
Released on J-STAGE: October 13, 2009
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[in Japanese]1995 Volume 45 Issue 4 Pages 525-527
Published: March 30, 1995
Released on J-STAGE: January 27, 2010
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[in Japanese]1995 Volume 45 Issue 4 Pages 527-529
Published: March 30, 1995
Released on J-STAGE: October 13, 2009
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[in Japanese]1995 Volume 45 Issue 4 Pages 529-531
Published: March 30, 1995
Released on J-STAGE: October 13, 2009
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