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Volume 35 (1984 - 198･･･
- Issue 4 Pages 390-
- Issue 3 Pages 248-
- Issue 2 Pages 130-
- Issue 1 Pages 2-
Volume 35, Issue 4
Displaying 1-12 of 12 articles from this issue
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Yoshikazu Hiraoka1985 Volume 35 Issue 4 Pages 390-405
Published: March 31, 1985
Released on J-STAGE: April 23, 2010
JOURNAL FREE ACCESSRecently, it appears that the serious illegal acts committed by organizations, including pollution, briberies, unsafe products, false advertising, price fixing, and spying, have increased. In the sociology of crime, these acts have been studied through the concept of 'white-collar crime' which was introduced by Sutherland in 1941. However, this concept is inadequate for dealing with the illegal acts of organizations in terms of content and terminology. Further, it is problematic that most of the studies of 'white-collar crime' have employed Sutherland's theory of differential association as an explanation of the crime.
By these reasons, it is desirable to use the concept of organizational crime for the analysis of illegal organizational acts, instead of white-collar crime.
In the case of an organizational crime, the criminal agents are not individuals, but the organization itself, because an organization is more of a collection of positions than that of members. Therefore, organizational theory can provide the framework for an understanding of how the properties of organizations relate to their crimes. In this paper, organizational crime is considered by the multistrata system model of organizations, which is composed of three action systems (economic system, political system and construction-building system), mediated by two institutional systems (organizational program and organizational constitution). So, the organizational crime can be regarded as a kind of an organizational program from this viewpoint. Thus, by dividing the process of program adoption into four phases (disclosure, decision, implementation and institutionalization), how the organizational properties cause organizational crimes in each phase may be examined.View full abstractDownload PDF (2038K) -
Hiroshi Ohata1985 Volume 35 Issue 4 Pages 406-419
Published: March 31, 1985
Released on J-STAGE: October 19, 2009
JOURNAL FREE ACCESSThis article attempts to show what the relationship is between involvement in neighborhood friendship networks and participation in residents' movements (Jumin Undou). For this purpose, survey data of housing development residents are analysed.
Among the residents in the lower buildings, it is found that the participation in vesidents' movements is correlated positively to the following variables : (1) involvement, (2) the number of ties, and (3) point centrality in the neighborhood friendship network. But, among those in the higher buildings, the participation in residents' movements is correlated to variable (1) only, and isn't correlated to variables (2) and (3). This difference may be accounted for relative weakness of political entrepreneurs in the higher buildings.
In addition, findings suggest that channels to movement participation are multiple.View full abstractDownload PDF (1831K) -
Junko Nishio1985 Volume 35 Issue 4 Pages 420-438
Published: March 31, 1985
Released on J-STAGE: October 19, 2009
JOURNAL FREE ACCESSThe relation of Capital-Wage Labour has been sprending in the rural region since about 1955 and the farmers with a side job have been increasing. Now the ratio of the farmers with a side job is about 90 percent. And naturally they are bringing about the great changes to the farmer's “Family” and “Rural Community”.
So a purpose of this paper is to make the aspects of their changes clear. In the case it is important to analyse not one side of changes but a total aspect of them.
Because they have been changing in the organic-structural relation between the development of “Local Labour market”, the increase of the agricultural productivity and their working life.
The district researched on this paper is S hamlet, Maki town, Nishikanbara county, Niigata prefecture. It's a famous rice-producing district. It's district shows the great ratio of relative big farms in Japan, but too shows the great ratio of the f arms with a side job.
Firstly I will explain the features of “Local Labour market” and the agricultural production in Nishikanbara.
Secondly I try to analyse S hamlet's social history, especially giving attention to the basical transformation of the farmer's life, such as the size of land, the farm machanization and the pattern of jobs. Besides it is impossible to neglect the effect that the readjustment of arable land in 1971 brought about to district.
Thirdly I try to refer to the following aspects. They are “Family Life”, “Working Life” and “the Life of Rural Community”. They constituted in theirselves “the Living Process on Present” of the farmers with a side job.View full abstractDownload PDF (2315K) -
Noriaki Goto1985 Volume 35 Issue 4 Pages 439-451
Published: March 31, 1985
Released on J-STAGE: October 19, 2009
JOURNAL FREE ACCESSIn Japan, it is a long time since “regional sociology” has been proposed, but strictly speaking we have not reached a consensus on the definition of “regional society” yet. If we take a closer look into the terminology Japanese sociologists use, we notice that there are contrastive differences. Some argue that “regional society” is “total society” in itself, others argue that it is “partial society”, a constituent of the total society.
In the present paper, we discuss how to understand “regional society” from two standpoints (that is to say, one which regards “regional society” as “total society”, the other as “partial society”), and make the differences between both groups clear.
The main points are as follows;
(1) A difference in recognition of regional society in actuality ; this derive from whether one recognize unity, globality and totality and so on within the society or not.
(2) A difference in understanding of the bounds of regional society; the former presupposes more side ranged one in comparison with the latter.
(3) A difference in perspective and methodology ; the former recognizes regional society as a place where interdependent relationship of human activity spreads and develops, and tries to clarify its bound empiricaly and positively. Whereas the latter puts regional society in the whole structure of Japanese capitalism, and tries to analize its mutual relevancy (“structual analysis”).
In this way, there are distinct differences between both groups, however they have somethings is common in characterizing of “regional sociology”.
(1) Practical character ; both claim that regional sociology should contribute to the society on a practical basis.
(2) Synthetic character ; both find the originality and raison d'être of “regional sociology” in the possibility of sythetic (general) grasp of social life.View full abstractDownload PDF (1659K) -
[in Japanese]1985 Volume 35 Issue 4 Pages 452-459
Published: March 31, 1985
Released on J-STAGE: October 19, 2009
JOURNAL FREE ACCESSDownload PDF (806K) -
[in Japanese]1985 Volume 35 Issue 4 Pages 478-480
Published: March 31, 1985
Released on J-STAGE: October 19, 2009
JOURNAL FREE ACCESSDownload PDF (310K) -
[in Japanese]1985 Volume 35 Issue 4 Pages 480-482
Published: March 31, 1985
Released on J-STAGE: April 23, 2010
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[in Japanese]1985 Volume 35 Issue 4 Pages 482-484
Published: March 31, 1985
Released on J-STAGE: October 19, 2009
JOURNAL FREE ACCESS -
[in Japanese]1985 Volume 35 Issue 4 Pages 484-486
Published: March 31, 1985
Released on J-STAGE: October 19, 2009
JOURNAL FREE ACCESSDownload PDF (342K) -
[in Japanese]1985 Volume 35 Issue 4 Pages 487-488
Published: March 31, 1985
Released on J-STAGE: October 19, 2009
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[in Japanese]1985 Volume 35 Issue 4 Pages 489-490
Published: March 31, 1985
Released on J-STAGE: October 19, 2009
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[in Japanese]1985 Volume 35 Issue 4 Pages 491-492
Published: March 31, 1985
Released on J-STAGE: October 19, 2009
JOURNAL FREE ACCESSDownload PDF (226K)
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