The Japan Sociological Society will have an annual conference coming autumn with a symposium on “Urbanization and Urban Problems in Presentday Japan” which is concerning urban theories and problems again about ten years after the 34th conference held in Octorber, 1961 whose topic of the symposium was “On Theories of Urbanization”. Since mid-60' Japanese cities have been so-called “exploding cities” not figuratively but literally. They have stepped into a new stage beyond the former stage.
Firstly, continuous population concentration is still observed in cities, especially in large cities. Yet, core cities have decreased their population since 1965. Although this trend cannot be judged without considering the formation of city-centers, the dispersion trend of population into suburban areas appears in every core city. This fact is hardly explained by traditional ecological theories.
Secondly, urban society is usually contrasted with rural society, but it was originally not a city in general but a neighborhood that should have been contrasted with a village. Modern cities include villages as a type of the neighborhood. The basic problem of modern cities is their lack of “the neighborhood” to be contrasted with the village. A village-like structure can be constructed within a large city if certain conditions are satisfied (as in the case of outcast community). Theories of urbanization, such as of the rural-urban continium and of the ruralurban dichotomy should be examined again in relation to the fact stated above.
Thirdly, as urban society develops in its size and complexity and covers the whole range of modern society, the subject matter of urban sociology as well as its research organization necessarily changes. Modern urban society comes to the stage where the endeavour of a small number of sociologists is of little use for the solution of its problems. It is only after the research organization has been established that sociology is able to contribute to the solution of the problems in “exploding cities”.

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The sociological study of urban society has been increasingly diversifying its focus of interests under the pressure of changing social situations. Along this trend, it may be unavoidable that the systematic presentation of “the structural theory of urban society” has almost been neglected. capitalism The first reason for the neglect is sought in traditional studies of Japanese as a main subject of social science in Japan. Urban studies, especially the structural studies of urban society have often been overlooked in this field. Now it is required for us to analyse the nrban social structure in relation to modern capitalism in Japan. In this essay, we will examine an urban theory presented by Minoru Shimazaki who represents an approach with the view mentioned above.
The second reason for the neglect is sought in proper urban studies which have been made by urban sociologists under the influence of modern American sociology. Many of those sociologists have been weak in the view to the whole structure of urban society and society as a whole. It is only after 1955 that Japanese sociologists have turned their interests to the structural theory of urban society. Yet it will take more time before they attain to the full systematization and the wide consensus about the conceptual framework of the structural theory of urban society. Here we will examine the theory of social structure developed by Eitaro Suzuki who presented a relatively systematic conceptual framework.
We must confront several difficult problems in order to construct the structural theory of Japanese urban society at the cross-road of the two approaches developed by Shimazaki and Suzuki. One is the lack of fruitful criticisms between those two approaches concerning their conceptual frameworks and theoretical orientations. The other is the vague understanding of problems of social relation and social group in both approaches which should be included in the theory of social structure. We conclude that the remaining problem for the theory of social structure will be to find a point of contact with the theories of social relation and social group which should take proper position within the framework of social structure.

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(1) The structural relationship between urban part and rural part of the capitalistic society is composed on the basis of unequal development of industry and agriculture and of the first section and the second section of industry with development of capitalism. The supporting condition of this unequal development is “the penetration of various urban relations into rural socieny” resulted from the dissolution of the small entrepreneur class mainly consisting of farming population. With this condition comes out “the exploitation of rural society by urban society”. The domination-obedience relationship between urban society and rural society appears politically on the basis of this exploitation through the establishment of modern nation and its control over local community on the one hand. On the other hand, solidarity is constructed among conscious laborers and farmers who are against the control
(2) The unequal development between urban society and rural society stated above, takes a new step with a shift of capitalism to monopolistic stage. “The quantitative phenomena” shows the structural unequality between monopolistic industry and non-monopolistic industry which suppresses the unequality between industry and agriculture (especially between the first section and the second section), connected with the horizontal trend in industry and the expansion of parasitic sections which are arisen from advancement of productivity and national policy under financial oligarchy. But the unequal development between urban sociey and rural society proceeds beneath those phenomena as the expansion and intensification of their “difference in quality”, whose recognition makes them a line of structural crisis of capitalism. Around this critical situation national control over “local community” under the financial oligarchy politically stands against the solidarity in local community constructed by various classes, especially by laborers and farmers.
(3) Besides this theory of the unequal development between urban society and rural society, we have alternative theories of urbanization and of life region which are connected with functionalism and systems toeory both in the fields of sociology and of economics. They try to explain various functional interdependence between urban society and rural society as well as their dynamic equilibrium along with the advancement of productivity. They sometimes admit unequilibrium and distortion among different regions as social reality, but try to interpret them with a quantitative scale and seek their solutions into investment strategies of monopolistic industry and “planned” policies of “the welfare state”. Those theories, in this sense, are theories of production and theories of domination. They are, above all, non-historical theories that hold and strengthen only one dimension of social reality.

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The problem of participation to local politics has been paid attentions widely, often with the aim of reforming local autonomous body and establishing community democracy. It is well-known that the importance of citizen movement, as an effective form of participation to local politics, has been pointed out strongly.
This essay concerns citizen movement as a problem in studying community power structure with a view to understanding corresponding relationship between power and local autonomy. It is without saying that there are two important problems in Japanese local politics which have been produced from rapid industrialization since W.W. II. One is the dependent attitude of local governments to the central government in both political and economic aspects. The other is the subordinate attitude to big enterprises. In addition to them, we must pay attentions to other important factors which have introduced big change to local political structure. They are the structural change of local society under the pressure of industrialization and urbanization and some of its resulting problems in local politics such as disintegration of community organizations and reformation of community leaders.
I take some problems of citizen movement in view of changing community politics stated above. The headings of my problems are as follows.
(1) Participation to Local Politics and Citizen Movement.
(2) Organization of Citizen Movement and Function of Leadership Groups.
(3) Formation of Community Organizations and Citizen Movement.
(4) Community Democracy and Role of Citizen Movement.

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The decline in ideological class politics in an advanced industrial society has been widely publicized. Lipset (1955) maintains that in periods of prosperity, status politics appeals to resentments of individuals who desire to improve their social status, while in periods of depression, class politics appeals to individuals who demand the redistribution of income.
The purpose of this article is to explore a tendency toward status politics from class politics in Japan. The data are drawn from interviews with 688 adult males in Tokyo metropolitan area in 1967.
We found more than eighty per cent of our sample admitted the existence of class differences mainly based on economic inequality, and Liberal Democratic affiliation is positively associated with socioeconomic status. However, party affiliation along the social class line does not bring forth ideologically-oriented class conflict. Despite their identification with rather lower social stratum, they are satisfied with their present life, and have optimistic views of their future. Though the expansion of their class interest appeals to them, they do not want to attain this goal. by overthrowing the opposition, but they expect affuluence of society to come through cooperation of all classes. Such attitudes seem to be shaped by historical, cultural and geographical factors as well as political leadership ; that is 1) racial, linguistic and religious homogeneity, and geographical isolation strengthen conformity, 2) lack of specific class-culture prevents the formation of strong class identification, and 3) each party tries to hide political cleavage in order to increase its supporters.
Today a real political cleavage exists not along the party line but between those who support the established parteis and those who deny them. Analyzing the “non-supporters” may help to explain the source and orientation of political conflict in the coming age.

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The purpose of this report is to inquire into the process of completion of “objektives Möglichkeitsurteil” which is an important model example from Weber's methodological point of view by relating it to a matter of “Subjektivitat” chiefly in the dimension of epistemology.
Previously, in the study of Weber, the ground of “Objektivität” has been concentrated completely upon “Ethos”, and for that reason, most of the criticism against Weber has been also upon “Ethos”. But the stage at which Weber has sought the ground of “Objektivität” in “Ethos” is at “Die Objektivität' sozialwissenschaftlicher and sozialpolitischer Erkenntnis”, and the lead for study in positivism is this “objektives Möglichkeitsurteil”. Therefore, the matter of Weber's “Objektivität” has to be investigated by relating it to “objektivees Möglichkeitsurteil” which aims at the elucidation of “Kausalen Zusammenhänge”.
In that case, as Weber methodologically favored formation of the “Subjekt”, “objektives Möglichkeitsurteil” has been strictly limited to elucidate Kausalzurechnung.
But it is probably quite limited to adjust empirical objects with “Kausalzurechnung”. It has some connection with this “imputative” conception that Weber has grasped a capitalistic society merely fragmentarity.
But it is one of the characteristics of methodology in moden sociology to elucidate a social phenomenon by inquiring into “Kausalzusammenhänge”.
Therefore, in this report in the course of pointing out the limit included in Weber's “imputative” conception, I would also like to confirm the methodological limit of modern sociology.

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The purpose of this paper is to clarify the effect of the parents marital relations on the socialization of the children.
The date for the analysis was collected from the the therapeutic interview with the patients and their parents and the observation of their family behaviors. The sample size was three families who had a child with disordered primary behavior, two families with a child of school phobia, and one family with a child of selective mutism. The sample was restricted to middle class families because the process of socialization varies in different social classes. The frame of work for establishing working hypotheses were constructed through our clinical experiences together with a child psychiatrist, clinical psychologist, and social worker in a child guidance clinic. As for the analytical technique, socialization was defined as processes of internalization of social norms, values, skilles, and customs. A measure of the socialization of the child is whether or not he has clinical problems such as phobic symptoms considered as an index of maladjustment to the society.
Findings derived from the analysis of the date were as follows.
1) The marital relationships of the parents of the children with clinical problems were characterized by hostile equilibrium.
2) There appeared double bind communications in parent-child relationships, which were related to the projection of the parents to the children.
3) Role-transference from the spouses' family of orientation to their own family of procreation and cultural differences in their life style in the premarital stage contributed to the formation of the hostile equilibrium in their marital relationships, and in result led them to the difficulty in establishing marital identity.
4) As far as the family of the children with clinical problems is concerned, the direction of the therapeutic change of the marital-relationships was not all necessarily correlated with that of the change of the symptoms in the children as the therapeutic intervention went on. In other words, there appeared the pathological phenomena in which the children's symptoms were coming to be so much the worse as the disturbance of the marital relationships was coming to be disappeared.
Findings stated above suggested that the study of the socialization of children should be held in the context of the dynamic processes of the family as a whole including the marital relationships as well as the parent-child relationships.

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