The postwar sociology in Japan done by Takeshi Fukutake and other sociologists has developed under the slogan of modernization and democratization. There obviously has been ample liberal spirit in it ; unsimilar to “bourgeois sociology” begun by A. Comté, and moreover the Japanese sociology owns scientific aspect which could not be seen in his.
Now, how do we understand the character of this positive sociology in relation to the so-called “postwar democracy” ? Moreover the problem offered by Masao Maruyama who is one of the opinion leaders of “postwar democracy” has not been fully solved yet. The flow of liberalizm from Yukichi Fukuzawa to Katsunan Kuga has been inherited by Katsunan Kuga, Nyozekan Hasegawa, Kanji Maruyama (Masao's father) and Masao Maruyama in order. Masao has possessed the tradition of the best and original liberalism. Observing the Era of Taisho democracy, the thought in Nyozekan Hasegawa or Manabu Sano, who later became a “glorious delegate” of the Japanese Comunist Party, has vivid sociological conception and theory. Former period of Sano's Marxism was “bourgeois sociology” itself, and, so that he made up his mind to convert it, Nyozekan's view of society was unique in those days - it could present a theoretical united front with Marxism.
After 1933, the liberalism of Nyozekan Hasegawa, Kanji Maruyama or others has been weakened its spirit of resistance. It could not, therefore, overthrow the fascism.
The postwar liberalists recognized this point, advocated “postwar democracy”, and postwar positive sociology, also, were founded on it. So that criticizm of Marxism in Japan should have the point of view and recognition in this respect.

View full abstract

What is the reason Homans' advocacy of behavior-reductionism, psychological-reductionism, is not popularly accepted among the sociologists?
Considering the fact that his assertion is one of the pioneer attempts to advance the level of sociology from descriptive-taxonomic one to propositional-theoretical one, such a state is, I think, unfortunate for sociology. We should say that, in part, Homans himself is responsible for the state. Because, in advocacy, he is limited to draw the reductionism as a necessary logical conclusion, without making effort to eliminate any misunderstanding and detestation of the reductionism.
Accordingly, our first task is to eliminate misunderstandings and detestation of the reductionism, and our next task is to advocate adopting psychological reductionism by emphasizing the significance of exercising it. To perfom our task, main accounts would draw upon the following points.
1. To grasp the essential ideas which constitute the basis of his assertion of psychological reductionism.
a) Reduction, in his use of the word, is considered as a kind of deduction. What distinguishes his deduction from others is the point that the relation between explanante and explicandum is not from perspective of generarity-specificity but from perspective of elementality-collectivity, more universalityless universality.
b) There is two kinds relations of explicandum and explanante. Sociological propositions have a double role : they are in one case explanantes, and in another case explicanda. Sociological propositions, structural proposition, become explanantes when they explain the occurence of social phenomena, and become also explicanda when they are explained by psychological propositions.
2. To appreciate the significance of the psychological reduction in new light. To recognize the complementary role of the psychological propositions in explaining social phenomena by sociological propositions. In other words, to recoghize the necessity and significance of adding the explanation by psychological proposition to the explanation by sociological proposition. To give further explanation to sociological propositions in order to accomplish the sociological, efficient-cause, explanation of the social phenomena. I will try to make clear its necessity and its significance by citing an example of the origin of the institution of unilateral cross-coussin marriage.
3. Three difficulties of his theoretical system.
a) The impression that his explanation is ad hoc. It is due to the arbitrariness in determining the givens which is used in the deductive system.
b) The impression that his explanation make only a commonplace remark. It is due to the jump of steps in his reasoning from explanante to explicandum. Two difficulties given above seem to be gradualy eliminated as many sociologists share Homans' explanatory principles.
c) The impression that his explanation is speculative. Although, when the value-proposition, or cost-proposition, is used as explanante, the fact that some reinforcers are felt as valuable, or costly, by the actor should be objectively proved, his explanation lacks this operation. The impression of speculativeness is due to the lack of this operation.

View full abstract

The author intends to clarify what the student movement at Berkeley was. A visual and physical upheaval happened on September 10, 1964 on the campus of the University of California, Berkeley and lasted until the end of the year. We know that the main uproar was caused by the Regent's policy announced by Katherine Towle of Dean of Students on September 14, 1964 which prohibited the use of University facilities for the purpose of soliciting party membership or supporting or opposing particular candidates or propositions in local, state or national elections. This brought reactions from students of student organizations.
Student Organizations which are affected by the new university policy petitioned the Dean of Students for the use of the area. When they realized that the decision could not be changed, they started to protest against the Dean, the Chancellor, the President, the Faculty Cemmittee, the Academic Senate, the Board of Regents, etc., with various kinds of means : picketing, conducting vigils and rallies, touching off civil disobedience, and the like.
It is known that the movement is called the Free Speech Movement and was organized formally on October 3, 1964. According to numerous researches, however, the purpose and the character of the movement were not initiated by the organization or by the distribution of the Slate Supplement Report, but were influenced by the off-campus movements and organizations. There was the civil-rights movement outside the campus which was introduced from the Southern states. A fairly large number of students worked as volunteers in Southern states to help Negroes organize and participate in the civil-rights movement during the past summer. A further influence upon the movement came from the famous student riot at the San Francisco City Hall in 1960, against the House Committee on Un-American Activities hearing.
Off-campus organizations such as SNCC (Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee), CORE (Congress of Racial Equality), SDS (Students for Democratic Society) and W.E.B. Du Bois Clubs of America influenced on the movement in respect to their philosophy, goal, means, tactics and strategies. Poverty and human rights of Negroes and Vietnam war introduced stagnant atmosphere among college students who used to be inclined to the philosophy and way of life of Hippies.
Moreover, the idea of multiversity by President Clark Kerr became one of the targets of the movement. Students are not interested in the idea of “knowledge industry” of the University of California, Berkeley.
The movement is obliged to end. The direction toward the end of uproar came from several groups and organizations both on-campus and off-campus. They are the Associated Student Union of California, University Students for Law and Order, a group of professors who urged students to attend classes and start their studies, the Board of Regents, Labor Unions and Public Journals.

View full abstract

Economic development in Japan since 1955 has been achieved by the comprehensive “rationalization” in labour process, through mechanization and organization which are mainly oriented to raise productivity.
As a result, the working conditions and the way of life of workers have been changed. Dissatisfaction related to workers' stance has been growing among them and their demands to improve it have increased.
These processes are observed typically in the paper-mill industry.
The purpose of this paper is to describe the workers' situation and degree of satisfaction with respect to the working conditions in a paper-mill factory.
The results obtained from our research are as follows;
(1) Workers feel it nessary to have more workers to operate the machinery in their working place, in spite of the employer's intention to reduce the number of workers.
Accordingly, the workers can not help accepting the policy of management which brings them to harder conditions of work and longer duty time.
(2) Workers have objections to the existing system of estimation as to the content of labour and to the ranking system based on it.
They feel such systems unjust. Because they think that mechanization brings the standardization of workers' skills and the equivalent rewards to the same kind of tasks should be paid.

View full abstract

This study deals with a question about the occupatien of the graduated women from higher education under a hypothesis that they take a profession in order to regain their prestige, which is gradually deprived of the keeper of the familial functions with changes of the modern family and the occupational world.
Some of the results are as follows. Changes about the higher educated persons occur in the same directions in both countries but more rapidly in Japan than in West Germany. The quantitative priority in the occupational structure of the university graduates alters from service industries as well as professional and technical fields to the secondary and tertiary industries as well as business and trade.
Women graduates show a different pattern about their occupational structure from men. They do not take a new pattern, but an old one, evaluation to which is already socially solid. Among such kinds they take especially a profession the content of which is similar to the functions of a family, which allows them with less difficulties to fulfill a role as a keeper of familial functions or the entrance into which is permitted by objective examinations.
Girl students are massed in the majoring fields which have a close connection with female occupations whose content is similar to familial functions. Although the direction of recent changes in the labor market seeks for women who have studied the subjects which are favored by fewer girls till now, women in such subject fields must struggle in taking a position in this field, graduates of the female subjects proceeding also here. What they thought to be works more strongly than what they actually are.
A profession whose entrance is assured by au objective qualification hardly garantees its followers a position of still higher status in pursuing it. Further more women mount an educational ladder and take a profession which is institutionally regarded as that for a university graduate. As it is institutionalized, it does not accrd with a constly changing system of prestige any longer. It results from here a paradox that the greater the part of college graduates in the population is, the harder the higher educated women can gain position of a highest status in the society.
Such phenomena of cultural lags are observed in both countries, but more obviously in Japan, where changes occur faster, than in West Germany.

View full abstract

These notes aim to investigate the mechanism of exchange, especially exchange in primitive societies. In order to elucidate the mechanism of exchage, I adopt the concept of “translation” by F. Steiner. Clearly distinguished from trade and barter, “translation” indicates exchange of a useful object for a ritual object. According to him, two logical models describing “translation” of value from utilitarian spheres to ritual ones, are called negative and positive translation.
Through the data on Darfur by F. Barth and a structural analysis of “potlatch” by A. Rosman and P. Rubel, I approach the “structural complex” which determines the logic of translation and intend to make a structural model, indicating the correlation between the process of translation and the social structure.
I suggest the following hypothesis ; When the underlying structure is completely rigid, “translation” will never occur, that is, the flow of goods can never take part in the transformation of the social system. But if the structure has any flexibility, “negative translation” will take place at the flexible points. As the structural flexibility extends, the possibility of “positive translation” will emerge.

View full abstract