Original contribution by Mauss to the development of sociological theory is hidden under the reputation of Durkheim, his uncle and master. In fact, he owes many ideas to Durkheim ; nevertheless he is much superior in his position to Durkheim who could not help at times to get into the dogmatic generalization, into the confusion of historical and functional viewpoints, into the mixing of empirism and apriorism, etc. Thus, it should be remarked that Mauss get above his Master, and presented before the public a new orientation of sociology-especially French sociology.
First, this article analysed the conception of “faits sociaux totaux” in Mauss' eminent work “Essai sur le don” and others ; and second, discussed Gurvitch' theory as its growth and development.
By the study of “faits sociaux totaux, ” Mauss meant the study of social systems in their entirety, the study of social phenomena in relations to their total social setting.
But social phenomena cannot be studied in all their details at once ; Consequently, selected aspects must be abstracted out for study. Mauss analysed social phenomena in the relation system of elements. And in its ultimate analysis, he considers that “something” rests and the “something” offers the veritable nature of phenomena. He compared several social types in such a way and succeeded to reveal the nature of phenomena.
According to Gurvitch, Mauss set different aspects of “faits sociaux totaux” in too near approximation, in lieu of differenciating them clearly and describing its decalages, tensions, conflicts, antinomies, integrating them in the whole, the whole of same type or social cadre. Gurvitch tried to enrich Mauss' conception of “faits sociaux totaux” by taking it in depth. It seems that Gurvitch left his theory as unaccomplished, and yet he made a road to analyse complicata modern society, while Mauss' considerations remained mainly in archaic one.

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(1) In the classical theory of sociological experiment it was customarily believed thet the experimenter must hold all (independent) variables constant except one-either directly (by means of the Method of Removal, the Constant Method the Screening Method, the Counter-balanced Method, or Systematic Randomization) or indirectly (by means of the Matched Group Method). The 'rule of the single variable' was formulated before moreef ficient statistical methods and experimental designs had been developed. Theclassical experimental logic is only applicable when the complete identification of all factors is possible, when there is complete arithmetical correspondence between cause and effect, and when no interaction between the factors exists ; but in the complex social reality these conditions are never in fact satisfied. Therefore, modern experiments, with the statistical tools now available, handle several independent variables within the same design and also include as many dependent variables as seem necessary. One experimental design of this sort is the 'factorial design'. In this connection, the 'pure case' method advocated by K. Lewin and F. S. Chapin is logically defective.
(2) Sociological experiments can be classified according to various criteria. For example E. Greenwood used three criteria ; namely, artificiality of the situation, simultaneity of the comparison and direction of relationship, and produced the following classification :
(a) The Projective successional experiment.
(b) The Projective simultaneous experiment.
(c) The ex-post-facto cause to effect experiment.
(d) The ex-post-facto effect to cause experiment.
However, the most significant dichotomy of experiments would seem to be the classification into 'field experiment' and 'laboratory experiment'. This because of the importance of the 'strategy of social research' and the emphasis which must be placed on the supplemental relationship between field survey, field experiment, laboratory experiment and the clinical analysis of cases. Experimental methods must be viewed in the context of various other social research techniques. Otherwise they are doomed to futility.
(3) However, traditional sociological experiments have at the same time many other weak points. In the first place, they have mostly handled uninstitutionalized small groups and have lost couch with macroscopic studies of societies. In experiments with small groups it is necessary to examine the cultural setting of the experimental situation which places a limitation on the general validity of the experimental conclusion, and at the same time to elaborate methods of transposing the essential structure of social reality into the experimental situation. Secondly, since experimentation with social phenomena is itself a historical event, we must examine the nature of experiments from the viewpoint of the sociology of knowledge. Thirdly, the spontaneity of the subjects is a necessary conditions for succesful sociological experimentation. Only experiments which call for the spontaneous response of the subject, experiments which are conducted with a view to the subject's welfare, experiments which gain the cooperation of the subject, can hope to succeed. Fourthly, in order to carry out large-scale social experiments, the experimenter must have wide control over social phenomena in order to make possible the setting up of experimental conditions. Except in the classless planned society these conditions are unlikely to be satisfied.

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The purpose of the present study is to explain how the social relation in a city life actually is.
For this study, I took up 53 families in Sapporo City, which had someone dead on the 10th or 20th of every month in 1952 and 1953 ; and a kodencho, an obituary gift list, as the main material for the study of the social relation in a city. Because I think that almost all the people who have some relations with the concerned family or its menbers, are listed in the kodencho. And the relation of the family to the people was studied from the following points of view.
(1) According to classification of Dr. Eitaro Suzuki, there are five elemental social groups in city : kinship group, school group, occupation group, neighborhood group, and life-improvement group. Which group are the family with someone dead or its members mostly related to?
(2) And between the concerned family and the people, what type of, and what degree of, relation are found? In this case, the investigation was done chiefly by observing the relation-form of the loan, exchange of presents, invitation, and mutual aids, which are seen at the ceremonies of marriage, funeral and ancestral worship, and at birth or at sick bed.
And the results which were obtained from the above-mentioned research procedure, can be generalized as follows.
The social relation in city life is maintained mainly by the members of kinship group, occupation group, and neighborhood group.
(1) As for the kinship-group members, the relation is closer in affinity than in consanguinity. And the extent of the relation of the kinship-group members who are connected intimately, is confined to children, the parents of their spouses, brothers and sisters, and uncles and aunts.
(2) And the social relations among families in a city are maintained mostly by kinship members, and there are some group members of which are the representatives of the concerned family. And in the latter case famify-members other than the representatives are indifferent to and independent of each ather, and rarely form a communal and organized family-relation.
(3) As for the relation of occupation-group members to the concerned family, when the group is small, almost all the group-members form a unit of social communication, and when large, a section in the group forms a unit.
(4) As for neighborhood-group members, it does not take a large form or a systematic form in their relations. The most intimate neighboring families are numbered generally from 2 to 5, and hardly over 10.
(5) In a city life every kind of social relations except in the case of kinship ends in one generation, and never continues to next generation.

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Few things more actually proved the truth of this law than Japanese industrial society after the World War II. I shall follow the trace of working intention changes, from the period immediately after the last war when food living was in imminent danger to the paresent time when people became to be able to enjoy culture life to some extent, analysing the ten years into five part periods.
The first period : 1945-1946
Animal-like, food-wishing period. In this period true working intention (will to work) did not exist and only need for existance-egoistic desire to eat-prevailed.
The second period : end of 1946-end of 1947
The period when human and cultural demand began to recover and sprout. In this period demand progressed from animal grade to human one. The signs of recovery of working intention began to appear with gradual reconstruction of industrial world, but demand for higher wages in compensation for labor was exceedingly egoistic.
The third period : 1948-1950
The period when requirement for working conditions as well as for wages began to be conscious of. In this period the improvement of working conditions and requirements regarding adjustment of the social conditions in the workship together with for wages was considered, according to gradual recovery of industrial world and worker's living standard.
The forth period : 1951-1952
The period when requirement for inherent conditions of labour was generalized. In this period demand for higher wages did not decline as before and inherent conditions of labour and requirement for adjustment of Human Relation, Job Relation etc. were strengthened and proposition of improvement for them was generalized.
The fifth period. 1953-
The period when requirement for rational distribution and persuit for other profit besides wages began to be considered. Because of standstill of Japanese industry the problem of base-up became impossible or hopeless, so demend for higher wages rised up again and wishes for inner rationality and other profit besides wages appeared.
Saying in other words, workers require their reasonable wages in compliance with their labor accomplishments, and on the other hand their hand they tried to acquire the stability and elevation of their living. That the requirement for public welfare is rapidly rising endorses this tendency.
As above mentioned we may say that working intention after the world War II was chiefly influenced and ruled dy industrial, social conditions and pre-modern, animal-like wishes for existance. In this sense the present state of working intention in our industrial world does not yet come back to a satisfactory situation. Therefore, thouge workers require rational distribution, still they wish in another way much more distribution, neglecting their accomplishments, and expect their fleeting enjoyment of profit in common by way of prevention for a standing manace to their living.
Here, we notice a strain, abnormalism of working intention in Japan industrial world, and importance, difficulty of working intention control.

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The laborers in the salt fields are working under the specific environments, influenced by the particular climate and weather conditions there. A great number of them pursue the agriculture as a side job, and under the circumstances there has been brought up a specific labor consciousness like it in peasantry. I have enquired into the afore-mentioned points from the various angles as follows :
1. General labor feelings ;
2. Their consciousness towards the managements ;
3. Their companionship ;
4. The consciousness of their promotion and wage increase ;
5. The security feelings in their positions ;
6. The consciousness of their own works ;
7. The changes in their own jobs ;
8. Their consciousness of the labor law ;
9. Their consciousness of the labor union ;
10. Their upholding of the political parties.
Item 1 : An overwhelming majority of the laborers feel that their works are realy very hard work.
Item 2 : While we find a great number of the workers that support their employers with the warmth of parental affection, there are also no small number of workers who maintain rather non-committal attitude towards their employers.
Item 3 : The laborers works on fairly good terms, but no particular and special relationships exist among workers themselves.
Item 4 : We find more of those who feel stabilized in their works than those who are not so considered, but the difference between the above two is not so much noticeable.
Item 5 : The majority of them are dissatisfied with the present promotion and wage increase.
Item 6 : Many of them are willing to change their jobs for better ones should there be any good chance there of, and there come next those who would like to stay in their own present positions. The difference between the two of the above workers is not very much ; as for their own children, however, almost all of them are disposed never again to let their youngsters follow the same job as their own.
Item 7 : The number of the changes in their jobs is comparatively small and those who have made only one change there of predominate.
Item 8 : They take almost no interest in that sort of the labor legistrations.
Item 9 : The majority of them rely on the labor union, on which they place their positive hopes.
Item 10 : A very great number of them support the Socialist Party.
The salt field laborers have such labor consciousness as above enumerated, and in our study there of we should probe deeply into the matter by comparing it with the general labor consciousness. The general points on the problems for labor consciousness can be devided into : (1) the general feelings for labor, (2) their consciousness towards the managements and (3) the mutual consciousness of the laborers.
The (1) indicates the laborers' feeling for pleasure and pains and their labor sentiments. No. 2 comprises the parental management consciousness, the anti-management consciousness and other kind of consciousness. No. 3 denotes the mutual perental feelings, antagonistic sentiments and other general feelings.
These laborers' consciousness is regulated according to the existense of the laborers and consequently it must first be brought light on the subject of the existence of the laborers, and then look further into the questions of their consciousness.
With respect to these items of the problem, such industial sociologists as E. T. Hiller, L. Warner, A. M. Rose, D. C. Miller, U. S. A., and Kunio Odaka, Shizuo Matsushima, Japan, are investigating the matter from their respective point of view, and as a result of my tracing the valuable researches made by those authorities on the subject concerned, I have now been able to grasp the aforementioned itemes of the question.
Under such circumstances, I have tried to reexamine and scrutinize many of those valuable and interesting questions in comparison with labor consciousness in this brief article.

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