This paper considers Hayek's theory of spontaneous order as an answer to the question ; how is an individualistic social order possible? Hayek tried to show how both individual freedoms and social efficiencies can be consistently achieved on the process of spontaneous order and cultural evolution. But his explanation is founded on the model of a somewhat double-faced individual, that is, an individual who is in the context of spontaneous order a subject dependent on the system of rules and in the context of cultural evolution a non-subject independent of it. Accordingly his theory is not based on the model of a subject independent of the system of rules. Therefore the normative problem of individualistic order is not an answerable question in his theory.

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In order to be the self-referential system, the educational system has to reflect the credentialism. In 1980's the Japanese credentialism has fallen into the paradox. That is, the cult of taking entrance examination become exalted, while the effect of educational career has fallen. This article investigates this phenomenon with the aid of the theory of media of N. Luhmann. According to his media theory, the educational career contains its own paradox.
Using the media of the educational career, one can say at the same time that one is equal with the other and one is different from the other.
On the other hand, the complex restrictedness of the Japanese credentialism does not allow interpret the relation between the educational system and the personality system by his concept of “interpenetration”. There exists the one-sided penetration from the latter to the former.
By this mechanism, the parodox inherent in the media of educational career is transposed from the educational system to the motivation of the personality system. The personality system is contended with the paradox, because there is no other way of finding his identity. The function of the credentialism today is to give him the pseudo-identity.

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Wegen der Aushöhlung der modernen klassischen >>Bildung<< und des Mißtrauens gegen den absoluten >>Geist<< hat die deutsche Bildungsschicht seit langem nach einer neueren Norm als Leitfaden ihrer Handlung gesucht. Arnord Gehlens Lehre von der >>Institution<< stellt eine Antwort auf diese Frage dar.
Aus dem Zusammenbruch der deutschen klassishen >>Selbst-Bildungsidee<< hat Gehlen die Konsequenz gezogen, daß man heute seinen Maßstab von Verhalten und Erkenntnis letztlich nur in der >>Institution<< als Komplex dessen, was in den menschlichen Handlungen üblich ist, linden muß. Er identifizierte dabei diese >>Institution<< mit dem jeweiligen Staat, und das mit der schwerwiegenden Folge, daß er den NS-Staat unterstutzt hat.
In der Nachkriegzeit hat Gehlen im Umdeutungsprozeß seiner soziologischen Grundbegriffe unter >>Institution<< als Norm nicht nur eine rechtliche Ordnung des >>demokratischen<< Staates, sondern auch fachtechnische Kenntnisse und ihre funktionellen Zusammenhange in der indus-triellen Gesellschaft umfassend verstanden. Der korrigierenden Tendenz zum realistischen Kurs gemäß, die in der Bildungsschicht der Nachkriegzeit allgemein zu finden ist, erkannte er jetzt nur das Bestehende als Norm an, und klagt heftig die Einstellung der kritischen Intellektuellen als Bedrohung des Status quo an.
Um diese scheinbaren Mängel der. Schöpfungselemente und der intiativen Subjektivität in der Lehre Gehlens zu überwinden, erstreben jetzt seine theoretischen Nachfolger eine der heutigen Problematik besser angemesse neue Norm in der gegenwärtigen industriellen Gesellschaft.

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France became a substantial modern nation-state during the Third Republic by making public elementary education, “secular, compulsory, and free of charge”. In addition to this, the reforms in higher education were essential for the reconstruction of the country which had been defeated in Franco-Prussian war. Placed in this social background, this article focuses on Dukheim's descussion of the University in relation to the higher education reforms of that time. In fact, he represented the “New Sorbonne” in 1900 s with other professors.By examining his discussion, we can understand the ideas behind the reforms and the image of the Universtity at the time. The University differed from the “Grandes Écoles” which provided professional education. The University was considered the place for the “sciences”, which had the role of enhancing social solidarity. In this context, Durkheim's sociology was institutionalized, introduced into the University system as one of these sciences. In this discussion, the nature of his sociology is made clearer.

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K. Mannheim's idea of “freischwebende Intelligenz” was the expression of ideal, 'man who is “gebildet” only can create world view and serve totality', which prevailed in Bildungsburgertum during the 19 th century and the beginning of the 20 th century in Germany. This ideal also played the role of ideology which legitimated the political and cultural predominance of this strata.
The pessimistic tone of Mannheim in “Ideolgie and Utopie” was not only the expression of his sense of crisis to the situation that modern utopia, which had created modern history in Europe, and man's will to history were disappearing, but also the one that Bildungsbürgertum was declining and that their ideal (and also their ideology) was becoming unreliable.
The change of Mannheim's theory after his exile to England seemed to result from his effort to solve this problem. He proposed 'planning for freedom' as the only method which can operate well democracy in mass society. For him, planning was another type of utopia, which was able to exist in the time when “modern utopia” could no more continue to be. At the same time, he also tried to create a new raison d'être (and a new legitimatizing ideology as well) for intellectuals by giving them the role of 'elite as a planner'.

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