Die Geschichts-und Kultursoziologie der Heidelberger Schule geht von der Erkenntnis über dem aus der permanenten Kulturkrise unserer Zeit entspringenden Drang aus. Um ihre Geschichtssoziologie zu erfassen, werden wir sie von solchem Problematik abheben müssen. Diese Fragestellung können sich deutlich in der folgenden Worten Alfred Weber's stellt dar ; “Unsere so zerklüftete und spannungsreiche Zeit ist voll von Diagnosen ihres so zustands und Prognosen ihrer und der menschlichen Zukunft. Das ist die Eigentümlichkeit aller grossen Krisenzeiten der Geschichte.” Die Geschichts-und Kultursoziologie Alfred Weber's mündet unmittelbar in die Analyse der gegenwärtigen Lage, wie Herbert von Borch sagt, ja diese Lage wird aus der Entwicklung der Jahrtausende heraus erst verständlich gemacht. Die Gegenwart bedeutet für ihm “den Scheiterhaufen des Vergangenen.”
Natürlich hatte er schon früh über Gegenwart mit einem starken geschichtlichen Bewusstseine gesprochen. Aber die Enkenntnis von der heutigen Kulturkrise, die ihren Ausbruch in der Katastrpohe des zweiten Weltkrieges fand, hat aufs neue eine Richtung in der Heidelberger Kultursoziologie gegebt ; politische Soziologie und Diagnostik.
Diese können wir in der neulichen Werken Alfred Weber's finden, und besonders müssen bemerken, hier er die Erkenntnis der Gefahr des “vierten Menschen” zu liegen. Erst der “vierte Mensch”, dessen Umrisse Alfred Weber als die Gefahr unserer Tage (erst nach dem zweiten Weltkrieg) auftauchen sieht, lässt die Möglichkeit zu, dass ein Abstieg von der erreichten Höhe des geschichtlichen Menschseins erfolgt. Die Erklärung über diesem vierten Menschen können wir in dem neugeschriebenen Schlusskapitel der 1950 erschienen Auflage seines Hauptwerkes “ Kulturgeschichte als Kultursoziologie ” und “ Der dritte oder vierte Mensch ” finden. Er tritt vor allem in dem neuen Bereiche der Geschichts-und Kultursoziologie ein und dabei beabsichtigt, die Diagnostik zu begründen.
In dieser Diagnose unserer Zeit spielt der Begriff des “ Zivilisations prozesses ” die wesentliche Rolle, d. h. Alfred Weber hat schliesslich die Diagnose unserer Zeit durch seine Methode der Geschichts-und Kultursoziologie ergereicht. Hier verbindet innerer und äusserer Strukturlehre, und auch bezeichnet sich Zentralanliegen seiner Geschichtssoziologie, die nach dem Schicksal des Menschen innerhalb der soziologischen Konstellationen fragt. Wir können diese Richtung nicht nur in der Alfred Weber's Werke, sondern auch in der heutige Heidelberger Soziologen überhaupt finden; Alexander Rüstow und Herbert von Borch u. a. Zum Beispiel, die grosszügige Werke Alexander Rüstow's “ Ortsbestimmung der Gegenwart ” und Herbert von. Borch's “ Obrigkeit und Widerstand ” beruhen vielfach auf Alfred Weber's Geschichtssoziologie, besonders Konstellationsdenken. Sie hat auf dem in der Heidelberger Soziologentradition ausgebildete Konstellationsdenken den neueste politische Soziologie entwickelt.

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There are Particular questions as to the irrationality of modern society. Because while the irrationality before modern society was simple and magic, it has been born in the very rationality.
The rationality of modern society is apt to turn to the substantial irrationality. That means on one hand that the rationality mones of itself and its pursuit become an end in itself, and the other hand that in the modern mass society, the rationality sometimes does not make for everyman's happiness but helps to control the masses from the side of élite.
Our object here is inquiring into the irrationality that particularly presents as the phenomenon of “control” by the Schema of “organization-Charisma.”
There are two types of control relationship. They are “Charisma control” and “organization control”. The “Charisma” is the typical representative of nondaily force that is born in the passionate, mental communication of men, and the “organization” is that of permanent form which are based on everyday life.
These two types are logically opposed to each other, but in reality easily unite together and the uniting state finally characterizes the real control structure. The “Charisma” get in the daily life and turn to the organization world. The organization produce the “Charisma” in itself, which results in destroying organization or sanctifying organization in that condition.
I think it is important matter that the inconsistency and limit of formal rationality of the organization (in the modern society it is regarded equal to the bureaucracy) which are exposed in the modern “mass society” or the “bureaucratic society, ” “really bring forth the Charisma.” It appears in bureaucracy and in mass society itself and in both case it has two faculties. On one hand, Charisma gives the pretended help to the powerless mass who are kept at a distance by the organizational authority by means of combining their feeling to the privileged élite and on the other hand makes the privilege of élite holy helping to manipulate the masses.
These disguise the systematic and structural inconsistency by fabricating the consciousness of the masses and are in the end the means of justifying the maintenance of the status quo.

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Originally the Ie, the Japanese family, contained within itself factors of both the extended family and the kinship relationship. The question is how this family and the village, the combination of families have come into existence and continued in their concrete forms in the framework of the feudalism. Then in course of time under specific socio-historical conditions, factors of the extended family came to reveal themselves and led to establishment and growth of the extended family system. And then feudalism helps to develop the extended family system in one respect, but in another it hinders its development. Then afterwards, tinder certain conditions, factors of the kinship came to reveal themselves and led to establishment and growth of the kinship relationship. The present thesis is intended to throw some light on the historico-developmental aspect of the extended family system by examining it in the framework of feudalism, by choosing a concrete example in a mountain village. The results may be summarized as follows.
1) Each of the independent small villages of the early modern times was composed of one or two compactly organized extended families, of which the honke (the main family) constituted a compound family having more or less medieval characteristics. Each small village was under the rule of the feudal lord as kado (a taxation unit) and every honke as kado-yakunin (kado official) who were responsible for paying taxes to the lord.
2) There were several types of the extended family at the time. There were firstly, a type where almost all those expected to found the bunke (branch families) whether they were consanguineous or not, were organized into the compound family of the honke ; secondly, a type where the bunke founder won a high degree of economic independence, though living in the same yashiki (compound) as the honke; thirdly, where bunke gained economic independence.
The present writer uses the word dõzoku-sei (the extended family Institution) as a concept comprising all these types in it.
3) Afterwards more and more bunke were founded from within the Ie. Thus the extended family system developed itself and the feudal lord seems to have encouraged the process from above.
4) The following is an outline of the developing process of the village and the extended family system with special reference to the way the land of an Ie was localized in the village. In the early modern times when the village was formed, every kado had their land in a concentrated form, but the land came to be split up in pieces which were mixed up with one another. The kado institution as defined above came to be disorganized and the whole village split itself in two kado. The process was caused, to a considerable degree, by the complicated localization of the land of every kado. At least the village itself seems to have had to undergo this process irrespective of the policy adopted by the lord.
5) By looking at the complication of land localization, the rise and fall of each lineage can be distinctly known. Further examination reveals that every small village itself suffered a historical change as every Ie and extended family followed the ecological process of dominance, invasion, change of dominance in their respective distinct.
6) So long as the process of change in village, with village districts as its pilot, can be seen from a historico-dynamic standpoint, the role of the baitoku-bunchi (land purchased by the honke and given to the bunke).
7) The extended family system became disorganized in every village-distinct where the extended family institution was developed, accompanied by the baitoku-bunchi.

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This Research was carried into effect by Synthetic Social Science Association of Tokushima University, extending over July and August in 1956. The participators in this work is as follows. Professors 3, Assistant Professors 2, and students 34. This work was supported by Prefecture Election Administration Committee and Local Autonomy Agency. Hiradani (Mountain Village), Yuki (Fishing Village), Minamiinoue (Farm Village) were selected as investigative districts in this research.
The subject of investigation was selected by random sampling (1/17) from the voter's list.
The principal department of investigative questions is as follows.
1. Environment
2. Elective Consciousness
3. Political Consciousness
4. Self-Governing Consciousness
These theme were investigated about forty paragraphs. And the result was added much more deeply by actual analysis and minute examination from the point of region, sex, school career, occupation and class distinction. When this field work was carried on, together with interviews and inquires one by one by the student investigators, General research and hearing was also carried on by investigative professors.
Concerning to various elections of House of Representatives Governor, Members of Prefectural Assembly, Mayer of Towns and Villages, Members of Town and Village Assembly this study was consequently complicated fairly.
As soon as the result of this research was published openly in book form, called forth a big echo in the central political world and the reportorial world. And then called forth an echo in the House of Representatives, House of Councillors, Members of two Houses, Election Administration Commission of the whole country, local political world and the others. Many encouragement was given to us from all quarters. Honorable Mention from Fair Election Propulsion Headquarters, Miki-Koraku Prize from Miki-Korakukai were given to us.
The object and meaning of this research
Informal human relations, social relations, group relations in the election (Voting Behavior), and Pre-Modernity, Feudalism, Emotional peculiarity bring about most meaning title of a study in the field of sociological study. The political, elective consciousness (Voting Behavior) of Electors in a Farm Mountain, Fishing Villages, are generally lower than its of City electors, Functional Corporation and Union Members. and also in Voting Behavior, they are more scarce on independency, bound by Emotional, Irrational Motive, weak to external pressure.
The questioning paragraphs in this research
1. Which do you select political-party or person ?
2. Principal reasons you selected the candidate.
3. At what period did you select the candidate ?
4. Main motives (moment) you select the candidate.
5. About the Floating-Vote, Family-Vote Organization-Vote.
6. Corruption and Donation.
7. About the betterment of elective method.
8. Fair Election and its movement.
9. The degrees of interest in all kinds of election.
10. Judgement to Labour Unions.
11. Judgement to the Amendment of the National Constitution.
12. Mass Communication.
13. Measurement of self-governing and political consciousness.
14. Political need to State Prefecture, City, Town and Village.
15. Trend of Family-Vote.
16. Trend of Women's Vote.
17. Conservation and Innovation.
18. Abstention from Voting, Abstention rate.

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This monograph is based on the date gathered through two researches : the research of the Pacific coast of the Ojika Peninsula, carried on by the research team of Tohoku Univ. Industry-and-Education Research Center, is the one, and the research of Gobuura which was done as the continuation of the former by us in 1956 and 1957 the other. Both researches were intensively done with emphasis upon the correlation of the dominant form of fishing with the structure of each village.
Relatively, but contrarily, to the exceedingly remarkable improvement of fishing techniques in recent years, the This monograph is based on the date gathered through two researches : the research of the Pacific coast of the Ojika Peninsula, carried on by the research team of Tohoku Univ. Industry-and-Education Research Center, is the one, and the research of Gobuura which was done as the continuation of the former by us in 1956 and 1957 the other. Both researches were intensively done with emphasis upon the correlation of the dominant form of fishing with the structure of each village.
Relatively, but contrarily, to the exceedingly remarkable improvement ob fishing techniques in recent years, the sea-resources in the water near the coast are dwindling year by year. Hardly there are the stabilized states of the fishing-in-nearby-water (isoryo) in former years, the main catches being such sea products growing in the nearby water along the coast as sea-weeds abalone, sea-chestnuts, etc., fishes living near the coast or coming seasonally near the coast. Fishing works in the villages have been specialized in according to the particular conditions of each villages and the life of fishermen has came so far as to display the various aspects. Such general tendencies are the fact that can be obviously observable in each fishing villages here in the Pacific Side (Urahama) of the Ojika peninsula. Yokoura, the one of the villages selected as the fields of the research is of course not the exception.
Consequently, the transformation of the forms of fishery stated above regulated and changed the structure of the Village society in which fishery was the key industry. That is, the forms and the systems of fishery operated in Yokoura village are strongly reflected in the social structure of the village through the medium of the utility value of the fishing ground this village dominates, and of a certain developmental stages of fishing techniques in connection with the former. Analyzing the actual condition of Yokoura, the qualitative analyzation of the present form of fishing and the changing processes as a result of which the present form of fishing has came from was done at first and followed by the consideration on the social structure of this village, focusing on the form of gaining livelihood and control-relationship pivoting around it. Two forms of gaining livelihood, fishing being the one, and agriculture and forestry the other are seen in Yokoura. As for the land, the concentration of land to a few households is conspicuously observed, but the size of land per a household and the coefficient of land utilization are at the low state. In general, the agricultural foundation is meager.
However, in the developmental process of gaining livelihood, the form of rather strong reliance on the forestry resources and the sericulture are found. The forestry resources were commercialized as fuel for producing of dried bonito at the villages of bonito-fishing, -Enoshima, Izushima and Takenoura which situated on the opposite coast of the Onagawa Bay. The rise of economic power due to sericulture provided the branch families side with the moment to accelerate their fishing activities. Both the forestry resource and the sericulture headed for decline, the former in response to the devision of bonito processing industry and the latter to the unsecurity of the world market price.

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