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Volume 46 (1995 - 199･･･
- Issue 4 Pages 402-
- Issue 3 Pages 274-
- Issue 2 Pages 128-
- Issue 1 Pages 2-
Volume 46, Issue 3
Displaying 1-12 of 12 articles from this issue
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[in Japanese]1995 Volume 46 Issue 3 Pages 274-294
Published: December 30, 1995
Released on J-STAGE: October 19, 2009
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From the Participant's ViewTeruhito SAKO1995 Volume 46 Issue 3 Pages 295-309
Published: December 30, 1995
Released on J-STAGE: April 23, 2010
JOURNAL FREE ACCESSWe can draw distinction between the two different aspects of social order, ‹rule› on the one hand, ‹regularity› on the other. ‹Rule› is an order of which the participants of a society are aware. With relation to ‹rule› each bodily movement of the participants is understood as intentional “action”, since they are able to choose whether to obey or disobey to this ‹rule›. Compared to this, ‹regularity› is another form of order. It is utterly unknown by the participants themselves, but can be known by the strangers to this society as nothing else than what is indicated by the existence of factual bodily movements of the participants. These bodily movements are not usually understood as intentional or chosen “actions.” In the case of ‹regularity›, there exists no difference between social order itself and the whole of individual bodily movements. Accordingly, for we as participants to recognize this ‹regularity›, we have to differentiate it from our own bodily movements, and establish ‹rule› purposefully. This paper examines the socio-logical process of transformation of habitual ‹regularity› to coercive ‹rule› by making the concept of “action” as catalyst.View full abstractDownload PDF (1742K) -
Yousuke Kohtoh1995 Volume 46 Issue 3 Pages 310-326
Published: December 30, 1995
Released on J-STAGE: April 23, 2010
JOURNAL FREE ACCESSI will develop a typology of modern-rational bureaucracy by means of reconstruction of the theory of bureaucracy presented by Max Weber. Varieties of bureaucracy are emphasized in order to break down the uniformity of bureaucracy-image. We give following nine propositions. (1) Modern bureaucracy is defined by the combination of legal domination and monocracy. (2) Legal domination contains a positive-law oriented/discipline oriented contrast about the mode of legitimacy. (3) Monocracy contains a sovereign/discret contrast about the way of decision-making., (4) We cross these two axes of legal domination and monocracy, and get four types of modern-rational bureaucracy. (5) We name “positive-law oriented sovereign” type office-bureaucracy (Continental type). (6) discipline oriented +discret type→profession-bureaucracy (Anglo-Saxon type). (7) discipline oriented+sovereign type→calling-bureaucracy (Fuehrer-Democracy). (8) positive-law oriented+discret type→competence-bureaucracy (Japanese type). (9) The typical type of bureaucracy is not office-bureaucracy, but profession-bureaucracy, because we can fit better the image of bureaucracy for the M. Weber's theory of socialist economic system and highly differentiated modernity. Critical assessments against the socialist type of bureaucracy in Soviet Union and East-central Euprope during the revolutionary age of 1980 s confirm this conclusion.View full abstractDownload PDF (1968K) -
A Case Study of Religious Traditions in Rural Community Northeastern ThailandYoshihide SAKURAI1995 Volume 46 Issue 3 Pages 327-347
Published: December 30, 1995
Released on J-STAGE: October 19, 2009
JOURNAL FREE ACCESSThis paper deals with the religious change in northeastern Thailand, indicating the transformation of social conditions that support the continuance of the customary religious practices of village people. The reason that operationally supposes religious practice as customary one is as follows :
1) The analysis of customary practice (habitus) that internalizes the social structure occupies a pivotal place to research both the formation and reproduction of social structure. Therefore, religious symbolism and rites of customary religious practice render that social configuration. Formerly, S.J. Tambiah noted the functional correlation between the reciprocal symbolism configuration and reciprocity between successive generations in both family and village community. However, if we proved that the reciprocal ethic found in a monk 's ordination or a memorial service for the dead, was normative for social process, we should validate the social context in which reciprocal ethic are relevant to social action. Actual life process and emic knowledge make that context.
2) To consider the conditions of continuance of customary religious practice could specify the causes of its change and/or persistence. Causes are whether or not a) rites change their performance ; b) the discourse of customary religious practice cannot be valid for the social context, e.g. in labour exchange and property inheritance ; c) the community where village members internalize customary religious practice vanishes.
This report uses data collected in 1993 from 103 households in a rural village in Udonthanii Province.View full abstractDownload PDF (2243K) -
Masao Nobe1995 Volume 46 Issue 3 Pages 348-364
Published: December 30, 1995
Released on J-STAGE: October 19, 2009
JOURNAL FREE ACCESSThis study addresses two main areas. First, the study focusses on the effect the population size of migrants' community of orientation (the community in which they spent their life from 10 to 20 years old) has on their present socio-economic status. Second, attention is given to the status migrants have achieved in the social stratification of their residing city, as opposed to natives. To gather empirical evidence, a sample survey of women in Okayama City was conducted in 1993. Three hundred and ninety-eight married women under 60 years of age were interviewed. Analysis of the data has revealed the following ;
(1) The larger migrants' community of orientation had been, the higher their educational attainment and husband's occupational status. Whereas the population size of migrants 'community of orientation had a direct effect on their husband's occupational status, it did not have any such effect on their educational attainment.
(2) While migrants from middle-sized or large cities tended to be higher in their educational attainment in Okayama City, migrants from rural areas or small urban communities tended to be lower in their educational attainment in the city. However, in opposition to the original hypothesis, migrants from small cities, which were smaller than Okayama City, were not different from natives at all levels of socio-economic status. This contradiction is explained by the fact that ambitious residents in small cities had moved to Okayama City to achieve a higher socio-economic status.
(3) These findings suggest that the hypotheses derived from studies in large cites are applicable to some extent to middle-sized cities, such as Okayama City.View full abstractDownload PDF (1883K) -
[in Japanese]1995 Volume 46 Issue 3 Pages 365-371
Published: December 30, 1995
Released on J-STAGE: October 19, 2009
JOURNAL FREE ACCESS -
[in Japanese], [in Japanese]1995 Volume 46 Issue 3 Pages 372-375
Published: December 30, 1995
Released on J-STAGE: October 19, 2009
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[in Japanese]1995 Volume 46 Issue 3 Pages 376-377
Published: December 30, 1995
Released on J-STAGE: October 19, 2009
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[in Japanese]1995 Volume 46 Issue 3 Pages 377-379
Published: December 30, 1995
Released on J-STAGE: October 19, 2009
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[in Japanese]1995 Volume 46 Issue 3 Pages 379-381
Published: December 30, 1995
Released on J-STAGE: October 19, 2009
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[in Japanese]1995 Volume 46 Issue 3 Pages 381-382
Published: December 30, 1995
Released on J-STAGE: October 19, 2009
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1995 Volume 46 Issue 3 Pages 382
Published: 1995
Released on J-STAGE: January 29, 2010
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