Japanese Sociological Review
Online ISSN : 1884-2755
Print ISSN : 0021-5414
ISSN-L : 0021-5414
Volume 60, Issue 4
Displaying 1-11 of 11 articles from this issue
Special Issue
  • Hideo HAMA, Toshiko MASUGATA
    2010 Volume 60 Issue 4 Pages 462-464
    Published: March 31, 2010
    Released on J-STAGE: March 01, 2012
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • The Transformation of Modern Time and Space
    Hideo HAMA
    2010 Volume 60 Issue 4 Pages 465-480
    Published: March 31, 2010
    Released on J-STAGE: March 01, 2012
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    Modern society considers itself moving forward in time and space, which are seen as open containers. Sociology, which was formed as a self-perception of modern society, depicts society in the same manner. "Modernization" and "globalization" are examples of this picture.
    This paper refers to the studies of time by E. Husserl, A. Schütz, and M. Halbwachs and examines an alternative conception of time as "vertically accumulating time," in place of the modern understanding of time as "horizontally elapsing time."
    They envisioned the past not as elapsing and vanishing but as accumulating and remaining in the present. E. Husserl formulated the concepts of Retention and Wiedererinnerung as acts of consciousness involving the retention and reproduction of past experiences in the present. A. Schütz extended Husserl's analysis of inner time consciousness to intersubjective experiences and showed that past experiences accumulate in the social world. M. Halbwachs focused his attention on space, upon which the past has left its traces. He saw the past not as being retained in the individual consciousness but in the collective space.
    These considerations lead to an understanding of time and space, which is different from the modern conception and under which time is tied to place, and memory is tied to space.
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  • Atsushi SAKURAI
    2010 Volume 60 Issue 4 Pages 481-499
    Published: March 31, 2010
    Released on J-STAGE: March 01, 2012
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    The main purpose of this paper is to examine the fundamental framework of temporal and spatial order in life-story. The classical model of narrative assumes that all narratives are stories about a specific event that should follow a chronological sequence. Proposing an alternative model, Ricoeur argues of a narrative, which is so organized as to reach toward the anticipated conclusion, resulting in the endowment of retrospective time character to the sequential order of the story. This idea represents a nonchronological time order.
    Then, we go on to the spatial frame of narrative. Since we simultaneously experience life in different aspects, we can choose an "institutional," "collective," or "personal" mode of selecting events to recount, corresponding to the manner of depicting the spatial aspects of social life.
    Life-Stories are considered to be produced within these temporal-spatial frameworks. However, we witnessed post-modern narratives such as the newly emergent interrupted narratives and narratives without a plot, which transcend the confines of these frameworks. In order to listen to these new voices of postmodern narratives, we need to discern precisely how it is told by reflexively monitoring the social interaction where the narrative in question is produced.
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  • Nation-Making and Uncanny Time-Space
    Akiko NAONO
    2010 Volume 60 Issue 4 Pages 500-516
    Published: March 31, 2010
    Released on J-STAGE: March 01, 2012
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    We have witnessed, especiallyin the Euro-American context, an explosion of interest in memorysince the 1980s. This phenomenon is often attributed to postmodernism, a rise of interest in the Holocaust memories, and withering away of "experiential memories" held bythose who survived the Holocaust. At the same time, our fascination is also indicative of the wayin which memory has become an inseparable part of the efforts for achieving justice and redress internationally. Indeed, memory has become one of the central political arenas for decolonization efforts.
    This "memory boom," especiallyin the academic context, owes much to Pierre Nora's innovative les lieuxde de mémoire project. While it has inspired manyin memorystudies across disciplines, Nora has been criticized for his imperialistic nostalgia. If we were to recuperate a critical potential in les lieuxde de mémoire project, we ought to rearticulate the way in which Nora used lieuxde not simplyas a physical but also as a symbolic site. Along the line of such efforts, let us propose "memoryscape" as a spatially inspired concept of memory.
    Memoryscape, as a time-space metaphor, provides historical frameworks for individuals and social groups upon remembering the past. It is also an image of the past that individuals and social groups produce, maintain, and transform through their mnemonic practices. With this working definition, we can now analyze the Hiroshima memoryscape.
    Taking the Peace Park as the nodal point in Hiroshima's memoryscape, "peace" emerges as the most visible image, while Japan's historical continuitywith its imperialist past is hardly visible. The memorial space of the Peace Park has been written with post-war Japan's nationalist grammar; yet, it is also a liminal space of modernity's project, where "homogeneous empty time" gets contaminated with the uncanny time-space.
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  • The Meaning of an Urban Preservation Movement in the Twenty-First Century
    Saburo HORIKAWA
    2010 Volume 60 Issue 4 Pages 517-534
    Published: March 31, 2010
    Released on J-STAGE: March 01, 2012
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    The idea that time and space are homogeneous, one of the fundamental premises of the modern age, has long been under siege. Le Corbusier's vision of the functional city, as described in his book La ville radieuse has lost its "radiance." We have come to realize that the city is not a transparent, three-dimensional "space" in which any particular content can be exchanged for any other. Rather, we have rediscovered that it is a "place" embodying a variety of memories and meanings, an inconvertible "something," and that it is impossible to reduce it to a mere land parcel of a certain length and width. The urban places we live in are not interchangeable. The word "preservation" therefore means not the prevention but the control of growth and development. Preservation allows and even promotes change.
    "Place," however, has a dual nature. It can be a base for resistance, or a myth whose consumption legitimizes the denaturing and transforming of place into space. What needs to be asked, therefore, is who is resisting this transformation, and to what extent they are resisting the myth that legitimizes it.
    Since 1984, the author has continuously studied the movement to preserve the Otaru Canal, and his studies show that the movement was neither conservative nor aesthetic. Rather, the movement sought to promote changes in which the residents' "place" would continue to be theirs. It rejected the city government's monopoly of power over city planning, and the idea that a "place" belonging to the residents should be seen as a mere "space" for road construction. It demanded local autonomy as a means for residents to control change. The movement raises the question of how we should build cities that take into account local residents' own "places," and reminds sociologists of the importance of incorporating the historic environment in their analyses.
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  • Various Strata of "Lived- Space," as Seen at Ouchi, Minami Aizu
    Toshiko MASUGATA
    2010 Volume 60 Issue 4 Pages 535-553
    Published: March 31, 2010
    Released on J-STAGE: March 01, 2012
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    Ouchi district of Simogou Town in Fukushima Prefecture prospered during the early Edo Era as a rest stop on the main Aizu West Road, but it was left behind in the transport revolution of the Meiji Era because of its remote mountainous location. As a result, a "lived-space" containing an abundant "rotating time" was created in it.
    After the post-war reconstruction and into the latter half of the 1960s, however, the people of Ouchi were rather disrupted by frequent waves of modernization such as dam development, legislative selection to the "Preservation Districts for Groups of Traditional Buildings," tourism, and resort development.
    This paper studies the case of Ouchi by focusing on preserving the rest stop and developing tourism and by studying their spatial practices to determine in what different dimension they have introduced the modernization and how the contradictory order and system was formed within it.
    In order to approach this subject, the author has traced the spatial practices in modern Ouchi. The "representation of space" -the touristic space in Ouchi-was built through the practices that prioritize to maintaining the local life system. In consequence, the "lived-space" was variously created in the "representation of space" -Ouchi-where "rotating time" flows. In this "spatial practice" at Ouchi, we would find a perception that connects the "lived-space" and "rotating time" to the alternative production process of social organization and structure.
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Articles
  • Questionnaire Survey on Public Perception of Biotechnology in Japan
    Aiko HIBINO
    2010 Volume 60 Issue 4 Pages 554-569
    Published: March 31, 2010
    Released on J-STAGE: March 01, 2012
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    The purpose of this study is to examine the meaning of "don't know" (DK) answers in questionnaire surveys on the public perception of biotechnology. A questionnaire survey on public perception of biotechnology was conducted in June 2004 in Japan, and 541 respondents, who were residents of city, were analyzed. We analyzed how DK answers appeared in relation to other answers using Hayashi's quantification III. Two types of DK answers were found: Alienated DK and Ambivalent DK. Alienated DK appeared aside from the attitude differentiation between pros and cons, while Ambivalent DK appeared within the attitude differentiation. Analysis of the typical Alienated DK respondents showed that respondents had lesser knowledge of biotechnology as compared to the others. On the contrary, Ambivalent DK was exteriorized in questions on the personal use and preference of technology. On the basis of the results, the tacit dichotomy of public attitudes and the role of survey activities on science and technology were discussed.
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  • A Causal Relationship between Social Class and Sense of Unfairness through the Medium of Perception of Opportunity
    Toshiyuki SHIRAKAWA
    2010 Volume 60 Issue 4 Pages 570-586
    Published: March 31, 2010
    Released on J-STAGE: March 01, 2012
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    This article investigates factors that cause sense of unfairness. In this study, I consider fairness evaluation with regard to achieved ascriptions as the evaluation index for distribution of resources. Then, I focus on inequality of opportunity, which protests resource allocation by the achieved ascriptions. In the analysis, I focus on whether inclination to perceive inequality of opportunity relates to objective social standings and sense of unfairness. On the basis of this procedure, this study aims to unveil how social class relates sense of unfairness through perception of inequality of opportunity.
    Analysis shows that the higher the perceived inequality of opportunity is, the deeper the sense of unfairness is. When I examine the relation between social standings and both variables mentioned above, strong perception of inequality and sense of unfairness are observed in low social standings. A multiple regression analysis reports negative correlation between educational background and sense of unfairness and positive correlation between the perception of inequality and sense of unfairness. This correlation between educational background and sense of unfairness does not disappear even if I control the perception of inequality. Thus, the following are my conclusions: First, when the social class of people is low, their inclination to perceive inequality of opportunity is strong, and it results in deep sense of unfairness. Second, social class directly influences sense of unfairness since lowly educated people think distribution of resources more unfair.
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