Japanese Sociological Review
Online ISSN : 1884-2755
Print ISSN : 0021-5414
ISSN-L : 0021-5414
Volume 57, Issue 2
Displaying 1-14 of 14 articles from this issue
  • [in Japanese], [in Japanese]
    2006 Volume 57 Issue 2 Pages 220-222
    Published: September 30, 2006
    Released on J-STAGE: October 19, 2009
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • Impact of Social Movement Research on Social Theory
    Daishiro NOMIYA
    2006 Volume 57 Issue 2 Pages 223-239
    Published: September 30, 2006
    Released on J-STAGE: October 19, 2009
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    How do theories of social movements relate to the body of social theory, and in what way does the former influence the latter? This paper examines the intellectual interaction processes of social movement research with rational choice theory, theories of states, revolutions, and social science methodologies, and theories of globalization. The examination results reveal three differential processes through which social movement research influences the body of social theory : collaborative investigation and the resultant deepening of social theory, the application of insights obtained from movement theories and the resultant revitalization of arguments in social theory in general, and the collaborative building and deployment of a social theory. The paper concludes by suggesting a historical interpretation of the changing patterns in the relationship between social movement research and social theory.
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  • To Re-join the Interrupted Debates on 'Public-ness' and Contexts of Social Movement History in Japan
    Chikanobu MICHIBA
    2006 Volume 57 Issue 2 Pages 240-258
    Published: September 30, 2006
    Released on J-STAGE: April 23, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    In this paper, from the vantage point of the history of social movements, we reassess the historical meanings of shimin undo [citizens' movements] and jumin undo [residents' movements], thereby making it clear that the movements contain some significant suggestions for recent debates on “civil society.” In discussing the issues, we criticize the escalatory developmental understandings of social movement history which extremely oversimplifies the socio-political conditions and periodization. These understandings are responsible for fatal biases in ways of discussing 'publicness' and 'civil society, .We will make the point, then, that there are important breakthroughsand interruptions in the context of understanding social movement history and also that productive outcomes of debates on movement subjects in the 1960s-70s have not yet been sufficiently evaluated. Concerning this point, the level of controversies on 'publicness' would be reassessed. By using the keyword “local egoism, ” we insist that there are some epistemological barriers in understanding the relevant contexts of social movement history from the 1970s on.
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  • Kunihiko USHIYAMA
    2006 Volume 57 Issue 2 Pages 259-274
    Published: September 30, 2006
    Released on J-STAGE: April 23, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    Social movements are collective actions of various civil organizations whereby they compete against each other over which direction to lead the society. Such organizations engage in social movements with their own missions and vie for the recognition of their superior “public-ness” with the local government or with other organizations.
    As symbolized by the emergence of the “new social movement, ” the adequacy of “public-ness” - which has long been largely the preserve of governments-has been called into question. Governmental failures marked by fiscal crisis and excessive regulation have further shaken the credibility of governments as the dominant providers of public services. The new concept of “civil public-ness” indicates that “public-ness” has now become a subject over which local governments and civil groups compete with each other. Meanwhile, similar challenges face the public policies that have been implemented by local governments to put the concept of “public-ness” in practice. With the diversification in the organizations working in the field of public policy, nonprofit organizations are also expected to collaborate with local governments and play a role in deciding how public policy should be implemented. In this sense, the concept of “coproduction” between local governments and civil groups, which has been a subject of discussion in local governance, is becoming increasingly important. At the same time, it is also true that the idea of promoting “coproduction” between these two parties has drawn considerable criticism since there is an opinion that local governments are promoting “coproduction” in a self-serving way. Therefore, it is important to redefine “coproduction” from the viewpoint of the theory of the “new social movement” to figure out the best form of “coproduction.” This paper also examines “coproduction” from the viewpoint of “competition in fragmentation, ” a concept used in sociology, and discusses the need to redefine “coproduction” as “historic action” whereby local governments and the public compete in an atmosphere of friendly rivalry toward the formation of a better society.
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  • The Sociological Viewpoint on the NPO-Social Movement Relationship
    Kiyoshi ADACHI
    2006 Volume 57 Issue 2 Pages 275-291
    Published: September 30, 2006
    Released on J-STAGE: January 29, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    The senior movements in the US had been successful in many ways. During the 1960s and 70s, they achieved many political successes, such as Medicare and Medicaid (1965), Older Americans Act (1965), and the 1978 and 1986 amendments to the Age Discrimination in Employment Act. Why had these achievements been made? Several studies pointed out that nonprofit organizations such as AARP played an important role in senior movements. Thus, this paper discusses several questions : Why did AARP cooperate with social movement organizations such as Gray Panthers and political organizations such as NCSC? Based on what reasons did they form coalitions among them? This paper discusses that the reasons were supplemental and complemented functions among themselves. AARP had several advantages and disadvantages for the social movements, and vice versa. For example, AARP had a large membership (36 million in 2006), thus also representing the seniors in the US. Moreover, they had strong lobby activities toward issues related to seniors not only at the Federal but also at the State legislatures. However, being restricted by NPO laws, AARP could not take direct political action or conduct political campaigns. AARP had the need to form coalitions with the social, labor, and political movements. This paper focuses on AARP and analyzes the critical role played by NPOs in organizing the seniors. According to Ralph Kramer's analytical framework, AARP had unique social functions for the seniors, so they acquired legitimate status as senior representatives in the US. This paper concludes that senior movements might occur anywhere in the aged societies in the near future, and NPOs must play a critical role. It is also important that sociologists pay adequate attention to the study of the relationship between NPOs and the social movements that are organized to facilitate the welfare of the aged in society.
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  • Japanese Feminism and its Struggles for a Future
    Kazue MUTA
    2006 Volume 57 Issue 2 Pages 292-310
    Published: September 30, 2006
    Released on J-STAGE: October 19, 2009
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    This paper examines the history of women's movements, focusing on the “second wave” feminism and its aftermath in Japan. After the enactment of the Basic Law for Gender Equal Society in 1999, Japanese feminists have been facing difficulties with attacks from right wingers. The author carries out a historical examination of feminism to explore the problems and determine the future possibilities for feminism, women's movements, and social movements as a whole.
    Although women's liberation movement in the first half of the 1970s and women's movements after 1975-the UN International Year of Women-had rather different and even conflicting ideas and organizational principles, these two tend to be acknowledged as the “second wave, ” as if these two movements are totally continuous. Such historicism reveals that feminists nowadays fail to recognize the political radicalism of women's liberation and the transfiguration of women's movements as they grew and became institutionalized.
    The history of feminism exemplifies the struggle that social movements underwent to acquire political power. Women's movements, as well as gay movements and other minorities'movements, cannot help being ambivalent about power as they succeed; they will not be able to make any progress without power while they turn themselves to be a part of existent social structure against which they have fought as they acquire power. By overcoming the difficulty in a dialectic manner, feminism will be able to thrive as a 'new social movement' in the twenty-first century.
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  • Private Activities for School Refusal, Social Withdrawal (Hikikomori), and NEET
    Tatsushi OGINO
    2006 Volume 57 Issue 2 Pages 311-329
    Published: September 30, 2006
    Released on J-STAGE: April 23, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    This paper tries to answer two questions. First, what kind of social movement is especially needed under individualization? Second, can we empirically find appropriate theoretical movements? To answer the first question, I view arguments about individualization and confirm statements about an intolerable burden on individuals to reflexively construct self-identities without authentic exemplars.
    I then examine Axel Honneth's (1992) theory about the struggle for recognition. I think that there are two flaws in his arguments. Although he recognizes the vulnerability of self-identity depending on mutual recognition, he has not discussed the possibility that actors with a deeply damaged self-identity cannot communicate with others and consequently cannot engage in constructing the collective identity. He also seems to be unaware of the dangers of collective identities. Collective identities are often repressive. They tend to ignore differences and power relations within each group.
    Therefore, there is a need for collective activities that can address deeply damaged self-identities and avoid the dangers of collective identities. Drucilla Cornell (1995, 1998) provides a very good concept to pass the bottleneck. “The Imaginary domain” is suggested as a mental and moral space that enables people to acquire self-respect and re-imagine the self as one's orientation. Then, the collective activities that demand and construct the imaginary domain are theoretically suitable movements. I call these movements “meta life politics” because this politics is a precondition for Giddens' (1991) life politics.
    To answer the second question, I analyze private support activities addressing educational or youth problems : school refusal, social withdrawal (Hikikomori), and NEET (young people not in employment, education, or training). These kinds of activities have often created spaces for children who refuse or cannot go to school and for adolescents who have withdrawn from human relationships. I explain that these spaces have functioned as conditions of the imaginary domains.
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  • Media Environment of Social Movements for Local Society
    Satoko MATSUURA
    2006 Volume 57 Issue 2 Pages 330-347
    Published: September 30, 2006
    Released on J-STAGE: October 19, 2009
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    “Democratic Media Activism” (DMA) to get media governance back to civil society from commercial and political power is progressing its approach not only in Europe and the North America but also in Asia. In the past, it was difficult to have such an influence using small print media or mini-comi. At present, the practical democracy movement has spread through the electronic media, simultaneously empowering civic journalism. Activists and movements use the electronic media to collect information as resources for discussion and negotiation, and they create databases without excessive reliance on the assistance of editors from various mass media.
    On the other hand, the social movements form organizations. Under the law, they are required to achieve economical sustainability and be open to the public. Movements need, in this situation, face-to-face and community-based support and independent management ; even they can enter into collaborations with and earn subsidies from the government and private corporations.
    The phrase DMA might appear unusual, but we can define it as sustaining those people who join the democratic movement and those who primarily participate in and encourage the local media. Such democratic organizations need lesser support from several supporters in the community to sustain DMA.
    From November-December 2005, FM-YY held a symposium to celebrate its tenth anniversary. It is important for the community media to independently have a local flow of economic resources without reliance on mass-investment, and I report the symposium in this paper. This paper also includes discussions about the social information circulation system in daily community life.
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  • Noboru WATANABE
    2006 Volume 57 Issue 2 Pages 348-368
    Published: September 30, 2006
    Released on J-STAGE: October 19, 2009
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    With the erosion of communality and solidarity in local communities as a result of the administrative and fiscal reforms associated with the Neo-Liberal or the Koizumi structural reforms (the great Heisei merger), it is time to pose questions about the conclusions that can be drawn from these particular consequences of the processes of globalization. In this paper, I analyze the case of Maki Town, which hosted the first referendum held in Japan on the proposal to construct a nuclear power facility. A majority voted against the proposal and the nuclear power facility project was abandoned as a result of that ; however, in a subsequent referendum, the citizens of Maki Town approved their administrative amalgamation with Niigata City. After studying the narrative accounts of those who played a central role in organizing the referendum on the construction of a nuclear power facility, I conclude that in the study of social movements, it is vital to interpret such narratives in the context of the people's own experiences and their unique sense of reality, while paying scrupulous attention to the complex patterns of social interaction that exist within any given local community and that may compel us to reconsider what appears to be sociologically self-evident.
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  • For the Analysis of the Social Transformation Related to ‹Multiculture›
    Fumiko UEFUJI
    2006 Volume 57 Issue 2 Pages 369-384
    Published: September 30, 2006
    Released on J-STAGE: April 23, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    In Germany, while arriving at a conclusion on the Immigration Act and discussing the integration of foreign residents in the society over several years, the concept of a ‹multicultural society› was often disputed. Does the Act promote the integration of foreign residents by affirming a multicultural society as an actuality or by denying it as a fantasy? The disputes have such contradictory characteristics. In the 1980's, in contrast with the national level, cultural diversification advanced in Berlin and the policies that planned the inclusion of foreign residents in the society as well as the reform of the society itself kept advancing. Before 1989, whether or not a multicultural society was a reality was a matter of dispute; moreover, the political circumstance of the East-West divide, led to both affirmative and negative opinions for a multicultural society. But after 1990, when East and West Germans were integrated and accepted mass refugees, the concept of a multicultural society as an actuality began to be received widely. The arguments about a multicultural society changed to question what kinds of members form societies on what types of common bases. That is evident in the disputes on the ‹multicultural society› in 1998. And under the approval for cultural diversity, the common basis of society in relation to foreign residents became an issue of debate. The arguments about multicultural society in Berlin have shown that society is questioned and changed by foreign residents. In that sense, the affirmation and denial of a multicultural society are the affirmation and denial of the change in society by foreign residents. The conflicts that are related to the multicultural society in the city are located in the process of construction of the relationship between foreign residents and society in a space, namely, a city.
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  • Through the mediation of Martin Buber's conception of “Ich und Du
    Suguru IIDA
    2006 Volume 57 Issue 2 Pages 385-401
    Published: September 30, 2006
    Released on J-STAGE: October 19, 2009
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    This paper has two purposes. First, it aims to reconstruct Schutz's concept of “Wirbeziehung”, by focusing on the concept of objectification or typification, which sociology has not yet sufficiently considered. Thereby, it also will show that the subject-object scheme, which traditional theories of sociology tacitly attribute to the actor as an object, is a one-sided perspective. In doing so, Martin Buber's concept of “Ich und Du” will function as an informative guide to inquiring especially into the concept of objectification.
    Second, this paper has the purpose of presenting two ideas included in the argument of the sphere of the We. One is the insight of Vergesellschaftung. It unfolds the correlation of the formation of the personality with the constitution of the world. Another is the basis of the philosophical foundation of social sciences. Sociology formulates experimental theses, seeing the self-evident as a given assumption. However, such sciences of fact can not thematization vorprädikative phase which occupies a central position in the world of daily life, and thus can not help excluding it from consideration.
    Eventually, this paper will confirm that the essential structures of the life-world that have been found on an intentional analysis of consciousness can not only unfold “the possibilities of human beings constructing worlds” -which sciences of fact, in principle, cannot approach-but also play a part in “the frame of reference ensuring adequateness” between common-sense constructs and scientific constructs.
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  • Formation of Short-Term Residential Inclination
    Shan LI
    2006 Volume 57 Issue 2 Pages 402-418
    Published: September 30, 2006
    Released on J-STAGE: October 19, 2009
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    Urban spatial restructuring in China has brought about neighborhood segregation and different residential inclinations (permanent, migrant, and short-term). The aim of this study is to examine the causal effect of neighborhoods on people's residential inclinations and demonstrate the formation of short-term residential inclination (STRI). The data used here is a survey research (N=745) conducted in four different neighborhoods (newly developed neighborhoods in an inner area and suburban area; old neighborhoods in an inner area and suburban area) in Dalian City in September 2003. The findings are as follows :
    (1) Young people showed strong STRI, while elderly people preferred living permanently in the present neighborhoods.
    (2) A higher educational background was associated with migrant inclination, while lower educational background was associated with permanent inclination.
    (3) Higher satisfaction toward the present neighborhood was associated with permanent residential inclination, while lower satisfaction was associated with migrant inclination or STRI.
    (4) Residents in a newly developed inner-area neighborhood showed strong STRI, and those in suburban areas showed strong permanent residential inclination.
    The conclusion is that different residential inclinations were formed as a spatial result of urban restructuring, i.e. STRI in newly developed inner-areas and permanent residential inclination in suburban areas.
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  • [in Japanese]
    2006 Volume 57 Issue 2 Pages 419-435
    Published: September 30, 2006
    Released on J-STAGE: April 23, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • [in Japanese]
    2006 Volume 57 Issue 2 Pages 436-453
    Published: September 30, 2006
    Released on J-STAGE: April 23, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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