Japanese Sociological Review
Online ISSN : 1884-2755
Print ISSN : 0021-5414
ISSN-L : 0021-5414
Volume 29, Issue 2
Displaying 1-13 of 13 articles from this issue
  • Mamoru Funatsu
    1978 Volume 29 Issue 2 Pages 2-14
    Published: September 30, 1978
    Released on J-STAGE: October 20, 2009
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    The problem of “how to grasp social interaction”, which is one of the oldest subject-matters of sociology, has not so many chances to be treated on its own right as we suppose.
    In this paper, we take “social interaction” as “symbolic interaction”. Considering developments of man's “interpretation” process or inner logic of symbol, we can remark the formative, creative and dynamic nature of social interaction. In this case, it becomes an important problem to comprehend how to relate inner structure of “Interpretation” or symbol to the reality of social structure. We make clear “dialectic of symbol”; “deification of society and self”, and its relation.
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  • On H. Garfinkel's Ethnomethodology
    Harueko Kato
    1978 Volume 29 Issue 2 Pages 15-27
    Published: September 30, 1978
    Released on J-STAGE: October 20, 2009
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    H. Garfinkel has been trying over two decades to answer in his unique way one of the fundamental questions of sociology- “How is the social order possible ?”
    Its source, he finds, lies in the daily activity of each member of a society to rake things “accountable” or “visibly-rational-and-reportable-for-all-practical-purposes” -in my words, “giving-meaning-activity”. As one cannot bear any meaningless situation, he endeavors in his power to find the world of which meaning is consistent and familiar for him, thus contributing to re-find and re-produce the social order.
    Garfinkel has developed a unique method for observing this activity. This is characterized by the combination of the phenomenological approach by Husserl and the empirical. method of observation.
    The Main character of this giving-meaning-activity is-according to Garfinkel-its 'indexicality' or flexibility according to the situation. This character is not so strange or new to us Japanese researchers who are conscious of the dependability of the Japanese behavior on situations. We should notice, however, that Garfinkel presents this character not as a backward one peculiar to people except Western intellectuals. Rather he attributes it to the universal human nature.
    Notwithstanding his many contributions there are some points in his approach to be discussed more carefully. For instance, there is a danger of 'reductionism'-the tendency to reduce the macro social problem to the problem of a micro personal behavior. Another is that of 'formalism' which tends to focus on the form or way of giving-meaning-activity and to put less emphasis on the content of the given meaning.
    Despite these difficulties and for all criticisms, Garfinkel's ethnomethodology should be located in the history of human efforts which have been trying to understand and to control ourselves and our society through changing the invisible and the unconscious into the visible and the conscious.
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  • Makoto Hogetsu
    1978 Volume 29 Issue 2 Pages 28-40
    Published: September 30, 1978
    Released on J-STAGE: February 05, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    Labelling-effect on a deviant has been discussed in terms of negative reaction, an exclusion or avoidance which causes social deprivations to imputed labellee. My process approach focusing on Identity Problem would seem to possess a merit for finding out labellee's adaptive process to labelling. When labellee dose not yet reach the deviant career in which he defines himself as a deviant, he suffers from some embarrassment because of discrepancy between self-identity and social-identity. I call it Identity Problem. There are some strategies for him to adapt to it-avowal, acquiescence, modification, flight, declaration of non-conformist, exchange for another deviant identity. If he wants to modify social identity as a deviant, he must keep his hands clean in his every activities not to be unjustly and make every endeavor to call back to his credibility through a certain line of action-say, achievement of work or social services. At the same time, it is important that there is a certain group which supports his efforts and gives him normal identity, because it is difficult for labellee to maintain his motivation for a long time under the condition in which others continue to identify his real trait as a deviant.
    Without, such a support, he gives up his endeavors and try to use another adaptation. He might fall into a deviant avowal. Paradoxically, the stronger he wants to modify his deviant identity, the more often he becomes a deviant avowal, since he is forced to do something to liquidate his unattainable desire. The technique he often uses is to do self-degradation by committing some deviant behavior again. The trigger of this self-degradation would be easily pulled when he defines other's attitude unchangeable ; lacks of his tolerance of embarrassment ; and happens to be caught-in precipitating factors-say, an insult by significant others or a temptation by deviant group.
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  • Tsutomu Sato
    1978 Volume 29 Issue 2 Pages 41-43
    Published: September 30, 1978
    Released on J-STAGE: October 20, 2009
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    Contempory discussions of Parsons' theory have stumbled because they are unsuccessful in understanding his theory in terms of the synthesis of his epistemological logic, his analytical model and his substantive problems. In this paper I attempt to explore the logic of “the so-called social” in his theory, by means of an examination of the theorem of institutional integration. This theorem involves his since he is forced to do something to liquidate his unattainable desire. The technique he often uses is to do self-degradation by committing some deviant behavior again. The trigger of this self-degradation would be easily pulled when he defines other's attitude unchangeable ; lacks of his tolerance of embarrassment ; and happens to be caught-in precipitating factors-say, an insult by significant others or a temptation by deviant group.
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  • Takashi Hosoya
    1978 Volume 29 Issue 2 Pages 44-56
    Published: September 30, 1978
    Released on J-STAGE: October 20, 2009
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    Für Marx bedeutet der Begriff “Gesellschaft” eigentlich die moderne bürgerliche Gesellschaft ; eine Konzeption, die aber auch schon die Vorstellung eines durch ihre Aufhebung hervortretenden Sozialismus oder Kommunismus beinhaltet. Ihre Ausgestaltung durch die Kritik der politischen Ökonomie fuhrte zum Begriff der “ökonomischen Gesellschaftsformation”. Marx' System des historischen Materialismus ist auch im Verlauf seines ökonomischen Stadiums fertig gestellt worden.
    Wir konnen also die folgenden Stalinistischen Thesen nicht vertreten : der historische Materialismus ist die Ausdehnung des dialektischen Materialismus auf die Erklärung der menschlichen Gesellschaft und “Das Kapital” ist die Anwendung des historischen Materialismus auf die burgerliche Gesellschaft ; der historische Materialismus ist eine Wissenschaft und die Thesen im Vorwort “Zur Kritik der politischen Ökonomie” sind die allgemeinen Gesetze, die die menschliche Geschichte beherrschen.
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  • Takashi Miyajima
    1978 Volume 29 Issue 2 Pages 57-67
    Published: September 30, 1978
    Released on J-STAGE: October 20, 2009
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    Le problème des rapports entre le social et l'économique constitue un des sujects les plus importants des recherches sociologiques du 19e siécle. Ce problème était surtout au coeur du positivisme sociologique en France. Comme Saint-Simon, Auguste Comte, d'abord admirateur d'Adam Smith et de l'économie politique libérale, se convainquit ensuite de ses insuffisances : caractère abstrait de ses concepts et séparation des phénomènes économiques du tout social. Pour la majorité des sociologues francais du 19e siècle, de fait, la tendance anarchique du système capitaliste libéral, justifié par écanomie orthodoxe, aparaissait comme facteur de division sociale, et donc comme inacceptable.
    Quant à Durkheim, il entreprit assez tôt des études critiques sur les économistes orthodoxes, mais il n'en a rien retiré, sauf ce que peut apprendre une expérience négative. Le point capital de la question est que, pour Durkheim, l'individualisme utilitaire inherent à l'économie libérale ne saurait constituer la base génératrice d'un ordre social solide et normatif. La sociologie durkheimienne apparait, en ce sens, comme une critique de l'illusion d'ordre social entretenu par les économistes orthodoxes. Elle implique donc la critique non seulement de cette théorie économique elle-même, mais aussi des principes du système capitaliste de son temps, quoique sa facon de traiter les problèmes soit plus souvent celle de moraliste que celle de l'analyse économique. Par là mème, il en arrive d'une part à la critique de la theorie de contrat de Spencer. D'autre part, it rejoint la critique plus proprement durkheimienne consistant en la théorie d'anomie, qui lui permet de se rendre compte des phénomènes de dérèglement des besoins humaines provoqués par le développement rapide de l'économie capitaliste.
    Les faits économiques lui apparaissent, en fin de compte, facteurs de division et non d'intégration dans la société moderne. Car, la fonction éconoique, qui ne peut se suffire par nature, apparait particulièrement désintégratrice dans la société de type capitaliste. Certes, Durkheim ne parvint pas, comme on la souligné, à analyser de facon satisfaisante la base économique de la société moderne. Mais, il n'en est pas moins vrai que sa préoccupation morale et son attitude empirique le conduisirent a entrevoir les diverses consequences sociales, morales et psychologiques de l'industrialisation capitaliste de son temps.
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  • Tsutomu Sato
    1978 Volume 29 Issue 2 Pages 68-79
    Published: September 30, 1978
    Released on J-STAGE: October 20, 2009
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    Contempory discussions of Parsons' theory have stumbled because they are unsuccessful in understanding his theory in terms of the synthesis of his epistemological logic, his analytical model and his substantive problems. In this paper I attempt to explore the logic of “the so-called social” in his theory, by means of an examination of the theorem of institutional integration. This theorem involves his basic ideas of “the social” and in premised on what he calls “principle of duality”. This principle is concerned with the relation of actor and social object. It is derived from analytical realism as his epistemological position and his action frame of reference.
    The main theme of this theorem, of course, works out a solution to “the Hobbesian problem of order”. Such sufficient solution of problem of order needs to articulate basic presuppositions of this theorem. According to my opinion, these presuppositions are, above all, voluntaristic images, of man, the theory of pluralistic structures of society and values of individualism. Particularly, this individualism is the core of his.basic ideas of “the social”. Parsons' theory.asserts that societies achieve true social integration in proportion to the degree of institutionalization of individualism. Such social integration can be realized only by changing preexisting structures so as to level up the degree of individualism.
    Real social integration and actual social change, however, occurs within and is influenced by constraining structures. Parsons have only insufficiently grasped such constraining factors in economic and political spheres.
    Nevertheless, his ideas of the dynamic relation of individual freedom and social order, in other words, the social basis of individual freedom represent a major contribution to the understanding of the logic of “the social” in Modern sociological theory.
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  • [in Japanese]
    1978 Volume 29 Issue 2 Pages 80-83
    Published: September 30, 1978
    Released on J-STAGE: October 20, 2009
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • [in Japanese]
    1978 Volume 29 Issue 2 Pages 84-101
    Published: September 30, 1978
    Released on J-STAGE: May 07, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
  • [in Japanese]
    1978 Volume 29 Issue 2 Pages 102-105
    Published: September 30, 1978
    Released on J-STAGE: October 20, 2009
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • [in Japanese]
    1978 Volume 29 Issue 2 Pages 105-109
    Published: September 30, 1978
    Released on J-STAGE: October 20, 2009
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • [in Japanese]
    1978 Volume 29 Issue 2 Pages 110-111
    Published: September 30, 1978
    Released on J-STAGE: October 20, 2009
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • 1978 Volume 29 Issue 2 Pages 112-140
    Published: September 30, 1978
    Released on J-STAGE: October 20, 2009
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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