In case we understand the life space in social behavior, it is necessary for us not only to grasp it non-historically, that is, field-theoretically, functionally and situationally but also to comprehend the historical context of the factors functioning in each situation. By what is called a historical approach is meant the grasp of the necessity which exists between situations. Hence, a situational approach can bear out the structural complex of the factors which is inherent in a given situation, and thus it clarifies the specific and concrete meaning of a certain situation by taking into account the interrelationship of person, society, and culture, and enables us to predict its future behavior pattern.
On the other hand, the historical approach presupposes to functionally understand more than two situations. In this sense, these two approaches depend on each other and require the contemporaneousness of each approach so as to make it productive. In the socio-psychological study of delinquency, it is almost impossible to attribute the state of subjective or objective readiness working in delinquent behavior to one specific situation. Only by referring to the other situations which are related to this particular one, it is possible to define the peculiarity of that situation and its life-historical and social-historical implications. And this will in turn lead to a prediction of its future situational pattern.
Moreover, as far as social psychology is concerned, a historical approach does not necessarily mean a macro-level-approach. In social psychology, it is essential to pay attention to a tri-dimensional balanced structure of person, society and culture when each particular situation is historically analyzed.
From this viewpoint, due consideration must be given to a median-level-approach. In other words, in the social-psychological study of delinquents, we are required to make clear, first of all, the social structure of a community or reform school, in which they live day in day out, and at the same time to elucidate the circular connections of delinquent field, correction field, and delinquent or non-delinquent field throughout their lives.
In this manner, the median-level-approach must be said to be the nucleus of the study. Nonetheless, it has to be backed up by a microscopic approach on, one hand, and, on the other, by a macroscopic one.
It must also be added that we understand a historical type of delinquent behavior not by an ideal type but by a realistic and conditionally developmental type.

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The following is the brief account of the nine sections into which the. present article is divided.
1, This article, after examining the theories of Gurvitch and Cuvillier, and referring to the problem of historical us, non-historical stand, deals with the tradition of French sociology and its rerecognition.
2. The them of second section is that French sociology should be free from the influence of French philosophy still to be seen in it.
3. Then I try to summarize the charactristics of the classical sociology in an attempt to determine the tradition of French sociology.
4. In order to study the influence of Durkeims great sociological theory, I then proceed to examine and evaluate the achievements of his school in France.
5. Since it seems to me that sociology in France is facing a crisis because of the retaliation of German philosophy. I study the theories of Dilthey and M. Weber.
6. German phenomenology, then, is given much thought to, as an important component of Gurvitchs' sociological theory.
7. In the seventh section, the criticisms of Gurvitch by Cuvillier and Wiese are introduced, to help understand Gurvitchs' new sociology.
8. To conclude my criticism of gurvitch, I attempt to inquire into the necessarily phenomenological and anti-historical assumptions of Gurvitchs' sociology.
9. In the last section, as the conclusion, I argue that, simultaneously with the
Gurvitch-Cuvillier debate, meny new positive studies already began in French sociology, which arose from the reapqreciation of its tradition, and may be expected to prove the existing theories.
In short, this article consists of three parts. The first four sections are devoted to the study of the tradition of French sociology, the next four are concerning the new sociology in France, while the last one deels with the reappreciation of the tradition.

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As common characteristics among female employees, the following are pointed out ; instrumentality to family sustenance for a short period ; being engaged in lower kinds of and unskilled sorts of work ; weakness of consciousness on the part of them as workers ; lack of firm grounds of resistance to Capital. One, however, can by no means assert that a sufficient and thorough research into how these above-mentioned actually are has been well done. If it deals only with a static and plane aspect of the facts, any scholarstic product, however statistically elaborate it may be, will not provide those intended to proceed with their studies from a kinetic standpoint of view with a useful aid and satisfaction. Consequently, it is the writer's beginning through end purpose in this small article to present a more organic and synthetic monograph.
In 'k' restaurant on Sapporo city chosen as the object of the investigation, the writer could saw exsisting the discrimination between the male and the female employees in their allocation of work and things to do, which finally and virtually means more volume of work to the latter under the pressure of less employment.
The female employees are handicapped by lower wages, irregular working hours, and fewer holidays. Annual paid vacation and mensruation leave are by far beyond their reach and they are in such a deplorable state that they cannot properly exercise even their civil rights. There is no medical examination held which is to be performed by the management. There seems to them hardly to be any convenience through which they are able to buy daily needs. More attention is paid to developing the treat ment of customers in a more profitable way than to the welfare of the employees. They think of use of the same clothes of the wemen only for encouraging more purchse of custmers, putting aside a consideration of establishment of pleasure facilities for them. It was evident to the eye of this writer that a considerable amount of dark aspect was to be seen behind these superficially bright-looking circumstances surrounding them. Work and wages regulations are not yet established. In spite of the fact that they could little expect coal allowance and bonus, some appeared to be resighned with it, though others were dissatisfied. Their feelings toward the management were vague and enigmatic and sometimes these feelings seemed to be living with those between a load and his men of the feudal days. They lacked in a sense of social class solidarity and some were deprived of moral sense and a sense of responsibility. There were not a few who often changed working place.
However, when they came to know that the requirements for better conditions of employment were not to be accepted, all at once a call for an organization was trumpeted and many women came and participated in it, making themselves rank and file. Now it has finished its basic stage of organization, but much remains to be solved in the future. Various issues are certain to come up to the fore for answeringin the process of the following two elements influencing upon each other ; that is, managerial movements and tendencies among the union members and the nons. Thus gradually, one can get hold of the clues to understand how they think about work.
Through a systematic and continued investigation, we could excavate contradictory in consistencies between social classes seen in a small enterprise like 'k' and show how female workers can tranform, necessity arising.
Supposing that the principal task of sociology in connection with labor rests on the exact dicovery of troubles of modern society, based on aspirations and footing of workers in general, it is the writers only hearty wish that this small treatise will add a mite of contribution to the fulfillment of the mission sociology.

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In present-day society, no one con deny the fact that everyman, as a member of society, carries, out his own social duty through his occupation. In fact, it is.cleary understood that an occupation in which he is engaged is not only indispensable to his daily living, but also strongly conditions his way of life in many points. As an occupation is the means of his daily living as well as of completing his own social duty, it is quite natural that everyman should choose any occupation which is proper to him.
But there is one important fact we cannot overlook on this occasion. The fact is that on occupation makes a man stereotyped like a status in life in historical society. To give an concrete example, such occupations as an official, a school teacher, and a policeman might be called, by themselves, stereotyped personality. Therefore, to choose an occupation is practically to choose vocational personality in this sense. In other words, everyman makes his latent personality explicit by choosing an occupation.
Thus, from the points I mentioned above, I aimed, in this paper here, to show the social character of mountain villagers through their ideas for occupations.
The subject of my study is 131 persons of different sexes at a village community of Kamitsugu-mura in Aichi Prefecture, whose ages range from over 20 up to 80, A questionnaire to them on their ideas for 15 major occupations was inscribed with the following four items on which nine questions were asked :
1. What is the most authoritative one among them ?
2. What is the most profitable one among them ?
3. What is it among them that contributes most to our society ?
4. What kind of an occupation do you want to take ?
The results of my study proved to be wholly contrary to our presup-position that they were generally the possessors of traditional authoritarian personality.
That is to say, they are found to be as modern in their personality as those in urban community. Besides, some indices show that the fundamental factors which make them modernized in such a degree as this are their contacts with the outside world, the permeation of monetary economy through them, and the influences of mass-communication on them etc.
Now, this is only a pre-test, which I propose further to develope into a new research technique and its theoretical frame of reference.

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1. Revision of Family Institution and Its Actual Status -
In accordance with the development of modern industrization and urbanization in Japan, an extended family has recently had a tendency to change its form as an nuclear family. On the othere hand, the moral and legal criterions in a traditional family has still remained to a considerable extent. However, the war made a sudden change in our family system to bring about a new family form on the principle of individual dignity and equality of both sexes. The actual state of Japanese family at present, however, has two phases ; one can easily adapt a new institution as seen in large cities, while the other finds it difficult to get rid of old tradition as still existed in rural communities. It is no doubt an interesting ploblem for the study of family in postwar Japan to see how the new family system, which made a legal change ahead of actual change, will have our actual family life changed. From the point of view mentioned above, we shall try to analyze the changes of postwar Japanese family from both sides of its structure and function.
2. Stagnation appeared on family structure -
Generally speaking, Japanese family has not changed much in the size of household and the structure of kin-relations, and the average number of its members has tended a little to increase. This tendency has mainly come from the shortage of houses, a great number of repatriates from abroad, and moreover, the rising up of average marital age.
3. Changes shown in inner family structure -
If we take up the problem of family authority as one of the phases of the inner family structure, we fined that most people in both cities and villages affirm the principle of equality ideologically, but still in forming their actual relations depend on traditional principle, “authoritarianism” ; especially in rural communities..
4. Basic problems between parents and children.
5. Various problems of marital relations We examine how those problems mentioned above show on the relations of parents and children, and of man and wife.
6. Changes in the function of family -
It is generally said that the function of family has gradually decreased. This tendency is most evident in the secondary functions of family, such as economic and productive functions, protective, educational and religious functions, in addition. to the function which makes possible the socialization of the minor members.

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The data in this paper are from a survey made by the writer in 1955, when he was a Fulbright Research Professor connected with Tokyo University. The theme of the total study was changing marriage and family patterns in Japan, especially since World War II. One phase of the study was a survey, by means of a questionnaire, of the opinions of more than 5, 000 university and high school students (approximately equal in number) in cities and towns of all four islands, from Sapporo to Kagoshima, carefully selected to represent different culture areas. The quetionnaire, constructed with the aid of Japanese sociologists, family court workers and anthropologists, covered more than 50 questions, mostly of the multi-plechoice type. It was printed in Japanese and administered in the classroom, (mostry to third and fourth year students) by the local professors, with the writer's Japanese assistant present to explain the purpose of the study and answer any questions on meaning or procedure. The questionnaire was strictly anonymous, and the students were urged to give their own true opinion, regardless of whether or not these coincided with current public opinion. They seemed to take the study seriously and to answer conscientiously, with extremely few individual exceptions. About half of the high school returns and approximately one-third of the university returns were from girls. This short paper can deal with only a few of the many questions covered, and with only the 2609 students (1756 boys and 853 girls) in the 24 universities and colleges covered

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