Filipino marriage migrants were supposed to have immigrated to Japan with the intention of “global hypergamy,” taking advantage of the economic superiority of the latter. However, recent quantitative studies have demonstrated that they have not climbed the social ladder. Hypergamy must, therefore, be reconsidered by accounting for geographic space and the passage of time. This study examines how the meaning of marriage for migrant women has changed over the decades they have lived in Japan. The data used in the analysis were obtained through interviews with 82 Filipino marriage migrants living in Japan. Women were categorized according to the Y-axis, which represents whether or not they lived with their husband or partner, and the X-axis, which shows whether or not they were the breadwinners in the household. The participants were classified into four categories: “husband-dependent,” “supporting husband,” “child-dependent,” and “self-reliant single mothers.” The data show that few, even among those who were “husband-dependent,” exhibited clear upward mobility, and that it is difficult for a divorced/widowed migrant woman to independently climb the social ladder. However, migrant women can improve their professional status based on the cultural capital they have cultivated in the Philippines and their self-investment in Japan. Furthermore, this study illustrates that migrant women may achieve upward mobility through remittances and property investments to the Philippines, even if their situation is hypogamous in Japan. Overall, the concept of hypergamy, which signifies class mobility as a result of marriage, cannot capture the longstanding process of migrant women moving between two countries.

Based on a qualitative survey of Vietnamese technical intern trainees, this research explored the relationship between the migration structure from Vietnam to Japan and the sexual and reproductive health and rights（SRHR）of migrant women. This study proposed that the migration structure, involving the state and capital, deprived migrant women of SRHR and dehumanized/racialized them. This institutional and structural deprivation of SRHR exposed women and children to risks related to pregnancy and childbirth. Furthermore, by examining the experiences of the interns with SRHR, this research demonstrated how migrant women responded to the structural deprivation of SRHR. The results showed that the structural and institutional deprivation of the womenʼs SRHR led to the “pregnancy-return route” becoming an option for migrant women. In some cases, the migration trajectory represented one stage in life, as the women technical intern trainees developed close relationships with their partners during their migration journey. However, some technical intern trainees were prohibited from socializing or going out freely with friends. In addition, while technical intern trainees with regular residency status were deprived of fundamental rights, migrant women without residency status could live with their partners and plan their own lives.

This study is intended to elucidate the influence of sexual orientation on international migration and urban spaces using a case study of female sexual minority migrants from South Korea. In the era of globalization, discriminatory social norms and repression against sexual minorities can cause them to migrate to countries where same-sex marriage is legalized or equivalent systems are in place. These migrants consider factors such as the possibility of family formation with same-sex partners, their careers, long-term stay visas or permanent residency status, language, culture, climate, and other preferences. As a result, they strategically plan and conduct transnational migration, settling in major metropolitan areas of Global North countries, where they experience a legal and social environment that is friendlier to family formation and human rights.

However, these destination cities are home not only to sexual minority migrants but also to heterosexual migrants, who bring social norms from their home countries. Consequently, these destination cities become complex hubs where migrantsʼ human networks and values intersect on multiple levels. In essence, the dual effects of transnational migration, namely, individual sexual liberation and new relationships between sending countries and destination cities, drive social and spatial changes in the host society.

This paper aims to depict the relationship between international migration and sexuality, analyzing how and where sexual minority refugees and asylum seekers are situated in the politics of asylum. In recent years, sexual minority refugees, collectively called “LGBTIQ + refugees and asylum seekers,” have been internationally recognized as vulnerable individuals in need of protection. However, this study demonstrates, through the case of the United States, that sexual minority refugees are not a homogenous group but rather divided by differences in refugee protection policies and immigration controls, resulting in disparate treatment for some individuals. Particularly, the analysis focuses on the emergence and implications of “neo-refoulement” policies, implemented to prevent the entry of asylum seekers while avoiding violating the international norm of non-refoulement. First, it illustrates how the Migrant Protection Protocols in 2019 and 2020 under the Trump administration introduced a new screening process as well as a push-back measure, making asylum at the border all but impossible. Moreover, it investigates the application of COVID-19 prevention measures under Title 42, revealing how the historical exclusion of sexual minority immigrants has been reactivated as a mechanism for large-scale entry restrictions, framing public health threats as national security concerns. The immigration administration has selectively recognized sexual minority asylum seekers, at times exempting them from border control measures while also strictly limiting their access to protection, often perceiving them as a threat to national security.

This study considers both migrant sex work and trafficking in persons into the sex industry, proposing to go beyond a dichotomous approach and to understand them as one continuum. It enquires which conditions and resources would avoid trafficking and make migrant sex work safer. To do this, we explored relational networks of migrants in the sex trade, in which social resources are said to be embedded. We conducted participatory observations and interviews in France and Japan, created sociograms and interpreted them.

The interpretations revealed the following striking points: 1）conditions of the migrants are significantly impacted by the legal and social settings in the receiving country; 2）in one receiving country, nationality, ethnicity, and residential status in particular impact differently on each of the migrantsʼ conditions; 3）whether they have multiple or scarce nexuses within their networks has a strong impact on their vulnerability; 4）only small numbers of cases clearly indicated the means and purposes of trafficking defined by the Anti-trafficking Palermo Protocol.

The study concludes with answers regarding conditions and social resources to make migrant sex trade safer. Furthermore, it highlights that the state sanctions on migration and prostitution including anti-trafficking measures have not offered any effective protection for migrants in the sex trade and the study gives recommendations to change this.

Queer migrants in Japan face a multitude of challenges such as exclusion and prejudice, including heterosexism, cisgender norms, xenophobia, and heterosexual norms stemming from hegemonic discourses and power structures. This paper delves into the ways in which queer migrants utilize drag performances to subvert and challenge these dominant discourses. Specifically, it focuses on the experiences of Labianna Joroe, a queer migrant Japanese-Brazilian drag performer, and phenomenologically interprets how she challenges and attempts to change norms related to race and gender. Labianna is uniquely positioned as an outsider --a ‘gaijin’ and a sexual minority-- and an insider--a Japanese-Brazilian/nikkei. Her drag performances play with recurring gender roles and transform them into art, carrying a self-assertive and social meaning. By observing and critiquing Japanese society as an outsider, while still having access to dominant institutions as an insider, she is able to shed light on the powerful and resilient political strategies that are emerging within drag. This is evident in the growing influence of RuPaul's Drag Race（RPDR）, a television program showcasing LGBT+ culture and drag, as well as in the reappropriation of drag within powerful queer migrant communities. These examples demonstrate how drag can be a political and creative means of mimicking and deconstructing identity, including gender and race, while also advancing social change through practice.

This study examines whether subjective economic situations can explain xenophobic nationalism. Previous studies attempted to explain xenophobic nationalism using either subjective or objective economic conditions. However, the results were inconsistent with those obtained from empirical studies. This study relies on Shayoʼs（2009）theory and the social identity theory. Based on the predictions of these theories, we argue that the inconsistent results can be explained by introducing the perspective of the classification of nationalism and then examining them through quantitative analysis. The analysis is based on longitudinal data obtained from a web survey. According to the results of latent class analysis, two types of xenophobic nationalism（ethnic and ultra-nationalism）can be distinguished, as in previous studies. The results of fixed-effects binomial and multinomial logistic regression show that ethnic nationalism could be explained by subjective economic situations. If nationalism is viewed as diverse, subjective economic conditions can explain the generation of ethnic nationalism.

Proponents highlighting “child poverty” as a societal issue in Japan, hoped that this emphasis would foster an understanding of poverty as a public concern that requires societal solutions. Critics, however, argue that this focus might unintentionally suggest that “adult poverty” is a consequence of personal failings, reinforcing an individualistic perspective of responsibility.

Building on the debate surrounding “child poverty,” this study analyzes data obtained from an online survey experiment to understand the societal perceptions of,（i）who is responsible for poverty alleviation—the government, relatives of the impoverished, or the impoverished individuals themselves, and（ii）how these perceptions vary according to the characteristics of the impoverished individuals. Specifically, we scrutinized the role of children within these contexts and investigated how their presence or absence, including their attributes, affects societal attitudes toward poverty relief.

Our analysis reveals that the presence of high-achieving children in impoverished families strengthens the perception of governmental responsibility. Further, public support for poverty relief for children is also conditioned by academic performance. Conversely, children within impoverished families amplify the attribution of responsibility to their relatives, suggesting that families are often viewed as responsible for alleviating poverty.

These findings indicate that societal sympathy and support for relief are primarily restricted to children with excellent academic grades. They also reveal an inherent bias shifting the responsibility for relief from child poverty, from the government toward relatives. This suggests that the discourse strategy of addressing overall poverty by emphasizing “child poverty” may face considerable challenges.

Currently, the concept of community is attracting attention in Japanese regional politics and a reflective examination of the role of sociologists in community formation is underway. Based on the results, this study examines the “Hachioji Citizens’ Life and Attitude Survey,” which was conducted by Michihiro Okuda and his colleagues in 1970, and is considered very influential, from the perspective of the history of social research. Specifically, documents, regarding（1）the organization and project,（2）the description of the design policy, and（3）discussions with the people involved in the survey, were collected and referred to, and each process was reconstructed.

The following findings were obtained: （1）The survey was based on the Japan Center for Area Development Research, which possessed abundant human and financial resources, and conducted with special expectations within the organization.（ 2）The survey policy focused on the consciousness and behavior of residents, which is still highly regarded for its explanatory power. This was adopted as it was deemed effective for both, the intrinsic needs of the survey and the criticism of social thought regarding citizens’ consciousness.（3）Nevertheless, this policy is now criticized for its lack of specificity in terms of urban planning and its discrepancy from the reality of actual areas. However, Okuda and his colleagues were aware of these problems before the actual survey, and this policy was adopted precisely to take advantage of the sociological perspective, which was not available in urban planning, and to conceptualize the community as something different from the reality of areas at that time.

Thus, an examination based on the perspective of the history of social research can explain the practices of sociologists as a position of “sociology of sociology.”

This study addresses the question of animal governance, where and how “displaced animals,” a term referring to animals that can neither be left in the wild nor have a “family,” are made to live and die. This exploratory case study focuses on cats and animal shelters. Cats are considered a species that should not be released into the wild; however, not all of them can be adopted by human families. Animal shelters are becoming increasingly important in both, animal welfare policy, as they accommodate cats instead of ending their lives, and in environmental policy, as cats are considered a major threat to biodiversity.

This study involves fieldwork conducted at X-Tei, an animal shelter in Tokyo, Japan. First, cats are encouraged to be kept alive, so that they can eventually live （and die）as members of an adoptive family. This, however, is in exchange for death at X-Tei being considered a “failed” event. Second, cats are encouraged to support humans in maintaining shelters. The findings show that animal shelters are places where people and animals live together in a manner that is neither wild nor familial. This study calls for efforts to improve animal welfare, in the absence of a normatively ideal place, and proposes a view of shelters as places wherein people and animals collaborate to create spaces where they can cohabit.