Mourice Halbwachs a posé d'abord le cadre social de la mémoire pour affirmer son caractère social. D'après lui, le cadre social de la mémoire S'appelle la notion, et celle-ci comprend le double caractère de l'idée et de l'image. Ce cadre de la mémoire est basé sur le groupe. M. Halbwachs tente d'éclaircir le processus de formation de ces cadres sociaux dans les divers groupes, notamment la famille, le groupe religieux et la classe sociale.
D'ailleurs il explique la formation de la pensée sociale, c'est-à-dire de la connaissance en général, en opposant à le cadre social l'activité rationnelle, c'est-à-dire l'idée ou convention qui résulte de la connaissance du présent. Surtout il accentue l'importance très grande du cadre social dans la pensée sociale. Donc sa doctrine doit être considérée comme appartenant à la sociologie de la connaissance.
Nous croyans que la sociologie de la connaissance d'Halbwachs pourrait suppléer ou retoucher celle de Durkheim. Car les thèmes cruciaux dans la doctrine de Durkheim étaient la représentation collective et la catégorie kantienne, tandis qu'Halbwachs a réussi à accomplir une presque parfaite sociologie de la connaissance, en précisant la base applicable de la représentation collective, en dépassant la categorie kantienne, et enfin en introduisant l'idée de l'evolution bergsonnienne.
On pourrait dire que la sociologie de la connaissance en France est opposée à celle en Allemagne : celle-ci se présente un cractère commun de la noologie qui s'affronte à la doctrine marxiste, tandis que celle-lá a une différence foncière en ce qu'elle a comme le principe fondamental da représentation collective. Donc nous pourrions dire que la doctrine d'Halbwachs soit arrivée au sommet de la sociologie française de la connaissance et qe'elle pourrait et devrait s'avancer en s'orientant vers la sociologie linguistique.

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On ne saurait pas démentir la grande contribution de l'école durkheimienne à la sociologie positive ; elle a exercé une influence sur les sociologeus et les anthropologues anglo-américains.
Mais, selon Cuvillier, la sociologie phénoménologique (Gurvitch) néglige la méthode scientifique et le probléme des rapports entre la pratique et la théorie qui out été le caractère essentielle de la sociologie française.
Dans la théorie de conscience collective, qui est la théorie fondamentale de la sociologie durkheimienne, il y a plusieurs défauts, qui doivent être corrigés par l' idée de Gurvitch de la réciprocité de prospectives, de la considération de pluraliste et de la dynamique sociale. Cette idée est indispensable pour analyser la structure complexe et le procès des changements de la société moderne. L'objectivé de son idée est constatée par ceux qui étudient la théorie de l'action dans la sociologie et celle de la personnalité dans la psychologie sociale. Gurvitch n'est pas seulement un théoriste, mais il s'occuppe des études positives de la structure de la société moderne avec l'aide du C. E. S.
Malgré la critique de Cuvillier, la sociologie de Gurvitch ne néglige pas la méthode scientifique. Il vise plutôt la reconstruction de la sociologie nouvelle comme la science positive nécessaire à l'analyse de la société moderne. Par conséquent, Gurvitch est un successeur légitime de la sociologie française comme Durkheim qui a construit la méthode nouvelle en corrigeant les défauts de la sociologie de Comte.

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This thesis is concerned with four major factors which have to do with the interviewer effect upon the interviewee response. They are the interviewing ability, opinion, and attitude complex of an interviewer, and the reliability an interviewee puts upon him.
The interviewees of this investigation are the farmers of two village communities near Kanazawa city, and they are interviewed by light sociology students of Kanazawa University.
The matters for investigation are in reference to the attitudes of these farmers toward the habits and customs in the rural community and the improvement of agriculture. We adopted a half-split method to verify the interviewer effect. The interviewees are divided into two groups which are expected to produce the similar results. One of the two groups is interviewed by the interviewers with a certain trait, and the other by the interviewers with another trait. As a result, if there appears some difference between them we may safely recognize the influence of “interviewer bias.”
As for the interviewing ability, we separated the interviewers into an “able group” and a “foor group.” As regards the opinion, the interviewers possessing a collectivist attitude are separated from those possessing an individualist attitude. Regarding the attitude structure, there are interviewers of logical and consistent type and of inconsistent type. Finally, from the view-point of reliability or rapport, we made one group of those who come from the country and another of those who were born in cities. These two sets of interviewers in each of four factors, which are related to “interviewer effect”, investigated half of the interviewees respectively.
Although they do not bear close statistical examination, the results show that four factors in question seem to influence the responses of interviewees to some extent. Where an interviewer exerts an influence, it is a very difficult question to ascertain what factors functions in what way. The results of the investigation, however, suggest that the analysis of “ambiguous” “answers” will provide a key to the solution of the matter.
An able interviewer will be able to crystallize such ambiguous answers by repeating questions over and again. Hence there is an increase of the number of “Yes” or “No” responses. The village-born interviewers, whose reliability is considered high among the farmers interviewed in this investigation, are apt to make the meaning of the question understood well, to grasp what their respondents mean. And also the respondents are likely to express their opinions quite frankly. Therefore, there is a decrease of ambiguous answers. Looking at the influence of an interviewer's opinion, we can point out that in case he meets with equivocal answers, he is tempted to classify and interpret adjusting them to his own opinion.
Referring to the effect of attitudinal make-up, we can discern the tendency of logical-and- consistent- type interviewers judging and classifying vague answers into definite and consistent ones in case an questionnaire is composed so that a set of items may elicit consistent responses in the same direction.

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Can we treat social phenomena in the field of science ? It is a very important problem how should we treat them as science. Whether sociology is to be containded in the field of science or not depends solely upon the answer which will be made clear hereafter.
This problem is the starting point and inevitable to sociology and needed as well. The question of sociology can find the general power, that is, the general social law which is working in the society is not indifferent from the problem.
The society which sociology treats is consisted of various elements. This cooperative elements are moving, at the same time, in one system. Therefore it is necessary for us to find the social law that works in the changing society, that is, to decide the method of analyzing social concrete situations in order to be the master of them. We use the coexistant method to analyze the social situations. This is the method to see the social phenomena in corelativity and is the right one to approach to the society. Moreover this is the very effective method also in view of dialectics. The method of sociology is the structural and functional analysis and synthesis of the society. To find the social law in this way is the study in sociology.

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One of the most notable application of anthropological methods in industry is the research program carried out by the Western Electric Company, Hawthorne Works, particularly in the Bank Wiring Observation Room Project. Gradually these anthropological studies have become important in this area.
From an anthropological point of view, however, these researches are selflimiting as they are carried out at present moment. Since their findings took monographic form, these studies are not systematized, e. g., there is no Comparative unit by which the cultural process and technique in industry are systematically studied.
The problem these studies has not yet set itself is the precise conceptualization of the sociocultural situation which can lead us to predict that some factory situation requires a sequence of interactions by given individuals of qualitatively differed from other factories. In other word, we need to study the human relations in industry from point of sociocultural system.
In my judgement, sociocultural system are characterized by cultural tradition and developmental levels of industrialization. If we accept this view point and proposes to treat human relations in industry as a sociocultural fact, the question arises how we are to characterize our industrial situation as a sociocultural system. We cannot easily answer that question in terms of systematic treatment which my aim in this paper is to be tentatively examined. For the purpose of this consideration, however, we may express a hope that our cultural traditions, its local variations and its dynamic processes, as well as our national economic structure, and the developmental levels of industrialization should be taken into account. Then, intensive human relations studies in factories are, it seems to me, systematically accumulated.

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I. The studies of urban personality with which the books of American urban sociology deal can be divided into three branches from their different angles of study, that is, urban-rural dichotomy, urban-rural continuum, and psychological approach.
1. What is called urban-rural dichotomy understands urban personality in contradistinctions to rural personality and takes up the characteristic differences of human or social relations between urban and rural areas. Such comparatively early studies as Anderson, Nels & E. C. Lindeman, Urban Sociology (1928), Sorokin, P. A. & C. C. Zimmerman, Principles of Rural-Urban Sociology (1929), Girt, N. P.& C. A. Halhert, Urban Society (1933) are included in this category, but this standpoint is limited to a mere array of characteristic differences or the setting up of unfruitful urban and rural patterns in the “either or” manner, and therefore there is little likelihood of its further development.
2. The so-called urban-rural continuum casts away the idea of contrast between urban and rural communities and, considering them as a continuum, treats urban personality chiefly from the standpoint of the way of life. We can find this view-point which is now regarded as most promising in the following studies : Riemer, Svend, The Modern City (1952), Erichsen, E. G., Urban Behavior (1954), Quinn, J. A., Urban Sociology (1955), Lee, R. H., The City (1955). In short, the question is not “where we live” but “how we live.” We cannot, however, miss the fact that rapid urbanization in American society gave an impetus to this approach. This second angle is theoretically based upon the concept of “Urbanism” of L. Wirth, Chicago University ; sets up two poles, that is to say, U-type, as one pole, which represents modern civilized urban society as an ideal type and R-type, as the other, which denotes uncivilized rural community ; and arranges or analyzes a concrete individual personality in terms of its polarization on the scale.
3. The psychological approach is represented by such studies as McMahan, C. A., Personality and the Urban Environment (1951), Oeser, O. A. & S. B. Hammond, Social Structure and Personality in a City (1945). The abovementioned two approaches are characterized by an author's “broad insight” and yet are confined to his “opinion or hypothesis stage.” On the contrary, this third approach employs a set of research skills and at least trys to measure urban personality. Just as it is the case with most of psychological studies, so this approach has a weakness in that its organic relationship with a whole society is not clear, though it goes into the details of each subject.
II. Setting aside the third psychological approach, I would tentatively agree with the second approach of urban-rural continuum that developed from overcoming the unfruitfulness of the first approach of urban-rural dichotomy. But this second approach will be best applied to American society in which urban and rural communities are comparatively homogeneous and are free from qualitative differences. When the relationship between cities and villages is heterogeneous and lacks the continuity as in Japan the findings, however precise the scale may be, will be too rough to be above a common-sense concept.
We need not extend the subject area as for as rural areas, and can apply this concept of urban-rural continuum to an investigation in the city. As you know, many scholars point out that there exist a number of pre-urban patterns in the bases of present-day cities which are often called Metropolitan Area. Under these circumstances, it will be one of the tasks we are facing to grasp urban personality in the transition from pre-urban type to U-type.

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This essay is an attempt to analyze the structure of “Kado” which played the fundamental role in the process of establishment and development of the feudal system in the Satsuma clan. In this clan, “Kado” which consisted of several farm families and was organized by “Myoto” and “Nago” as status-system, was the unit responsible for land-distribution, cultivation and taxation that was put to use to govern peasants as basic policy. The peasants' independent development was, therefore, thoroughly hindered by the communal stational obstacles of “Kado”, and as its historical influence the backwardness in this districts has been brought up today. The actual forms and characters of “Kado” were, however, neither standardized nor fixed, and according to the situation of each village-especially its agronomical conditions, realized different forms and at the same time its relative significance changed also in the process of its historical transformation. Then, the author aims at explaining the diversity and liquidity Kado presents in the light of the actual data of “Uranomyomura” in this clan in 1800, in this paper.

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The reform of Educational system in Japan after World War II was made as one of SCAP's policies to democratize Japan. It involved not only the reorganization of educational system but also the content and idea of new education, such as the 6-3-3 system, the board of education system, and social studies course. Although the new measures were set in operation formally, they could not help facing many problems on the way. In the years following the signing of the Peace Treaty, a trend to swing back to the old system is beginning to be noticed. And this switch back is being made under the name of correcting the Occupation Forces' policy which over-burdened us.
In the future the two movements will determine the direction in which Japanese educational system will develop : One of them is the movement of realizing the new idea which lies behind the postwar educational reform, and the other is the trial to oppose and amend the spirit of occupation-sponsored system of education.
This paper attempts to analyze these problems from the following aspects :
1) Teachers
In the early stages of the establishment of the 6-3-3 system, the shortage of teachers, economic uncertainty and the change in teacher-training institutions, such as the abolishment of the normal schools, brought about the alteration of teachers' social status, and the teachers are inclined to come of various class families like civil servants and merchants while before the war the most teachers were of the lower agrarian descent. Women teachers, who have traditionally contributed greatly to the elementary school education, are gradually decreasing-that is especially so with the lower secondary schools. Teachers' unions were admitted to form after the war. They are now so well organized that teachers can enhance their social and economical conditions, democratize education along with the line of the new idea, and even promote the movement for peace through the unions.
2) Community and Education
The democratic ideas of decentralization of educational administration and those of equality of opportunity for all have increasingly convinced us of the importance of the relation between community and education. But it is regrettable that the poor and unbalanced local budget and Japanese poverty as a whole are oppressing the national educational finance and the difference of educational standards existing among districts remain as great as ever. Recently local boards of education were reorganized before they could function effectively, and a centralized controlling administration is going to regain its lost educational territory. A series of these phenomena are seen to represent the pre-modern social structure characteristic of Japanese districts on one hand, and the excessive bureaucratic system characteristic of a whole society in Japan on the other. Teachers' movements centering about the J. T. U., which attempts to democratize education, will be confronted with many difficulties in the future.
3) Education and Public Opinion
The importance of the social function of Public Opinion in the educational framework is increasing after the the war. Many discussions have been animated with regards to the new educational idea and institutions, especially the 6-3-3 system, moral education, the inspection system of textbooks, political activities by teachers inside and outside the school and the boards of education. These problems are being discussed among civil groups and intelligentsia as well as the National Diet and the Government. We can see, through the public opinion research, that the attitude of the general public toward the new education system is much complicated.

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