最近のタイでは, 経済成長が順調に進む一方で, 首都バンコクへの一極集中, 地域間および産業部門間における所得格差の拡大が問題となってきた。農村では都市化や商品経済の浸透, 農業の商業化の進展の程度, また各地方ごと慣習の違いなどによって, 地域ごとに少しずつ異なった社会的経済的な変化, 適応がみられる。本稿は, チェンマイ市から34kmの所に位置する, チェンマイ盆地の一村落を事例として取り上げ, 村人の就業形態と所得, 世帯ごとの源泉別所得構成の分析を通して, 近年の北タイの農村階層構成とその変化について明らかにすることを目的とした。近年のチェンマイ市やその近郊の町の発展は, 都市部での就業機会を増大させ, 道路状況の改善やオートバイの普及もあって, 通勤圏が拡大しつつある。しかし農村部の就業形態, 源泉別所得構成はいまだ土地保有面積の規模によって強く規制されている。上層農は, 積極的に利益の大きい商品作物を導入し, 収益の一部を自営業などに投下して農家所得の増加を図っている。また上層農の間では, 高学歴を必要とする専門職や企業の事務職などへの就業者も多い。これに対し下層世帯では, 不安定な日雇労働に大きく依存することによって家計の補填が図られている。バンコクなどへの出稼ぎは減り, 代わってチェンマイ市などへの通勤者が増えつつあるものの, 安定的な雇用への就業者はまだ一部に限られる。住民の多くは主に自家農業に従事しており, 農閑期の就労機会は限られている。今後, 均分相続の慣習によって農地の細分化がさらに進み, 土地なし層が増加することも考えられる。日雇世帯と, 上層農・自営業世帯の所得には大きな格差があり, 今後それがさらに広がるものと考えられる。

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Since the latter part of 1960s, new central shopping areas in front of the railway stations have been formed by a construction of urban redevelopment buildings and a high accumulation of urban core functions. These are typical examples of the opening of big stores in the suburban cities of the metropolitan areas. These phenomenon led to the expansion of central shopping areas and their functional importance, while declining retail activities in the old existing central shopping streets. This paper is to clarify the reorganization of retail activities and changes of the accumulation of urban core functions in Sakai City, located near the Sakai-Higashi station of the Nankai Koya Line, Osaka metropolitan area. This paper has been approached from the viewpoint of vertical growth in comparison with forms and func- tions between urban redevelopment buildings and the central shopping streets between 1979 and 1994. The results are summerized as follows: 1) After World War II, Sakai-Higashi has developed as the central shopping area of Sakai City because of the formation of central shopping streets which stands for Ginza-gai which originally used to be the free market. The central shopping area is divided into urban redevelopment buildings and the central shopping streets because of urban redevelopment that took place between the late 1960s and the first half of 1980S. 2) The difference of retail activities between the buildings constructed during the urban redevelopment period and the central shopping streets has been expanded between the latter part of 1980s and the beginning of 1990S. This is because the former was renovated and made into a larger and more pleasant appearance. The latter was characterized by large decline of sales and closure of the big super stores. Therefore, retail activities of the central shopping area become dominant in the urban redevelopment buildings. 3) The central shopping area had a vertical growth around the central shopping streets. On the other hand, the vertical growth of the central shopping streets, especially Ginza-gai, was delayed in comparison to other streets since each lot of these streets was very small. 4) The distribution of urban core functions in the first floor is based on the these functions observed in each street does not differ. This distribution pattern has not changed between 1979 and 1994. The development of urban functions related with vertical growth, however, tend to reflect the process of change of non-urban core functions into urban core functions rather than the change of urban functions to higher ones. 5) From the point of view of the vertical use of space, distribution of 'retail' shops in urban redevelopment buildings and the central shopping streets is clearly different depending on the type of urban core functiOnS. The agglomeration of 'drink and amusement' shops, however, was dominated from the basement to middle stories (3〜5 stories) level, mainly in the back street of Oshouji-dori. 'Business and public' services were concentrated along the main road and the north part of the Ginza-Kita-shotengai. As the number of stories in the building increases, the rate of the services mentioned above also become more concentrated.

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In local election, most candidates get votes from their home district. This is called "friends and neighbours effect" or "local effect" in electoral geography. But candidates of citizen groups, as one of the new political movements, perform election activities and get votes across large area, becase they are supported by the network of various people beyond existing community power structure. The candidates of organized party, the Japan Communist Party and the Komeito, build strong relationships to his/her neighbours, in the process of strategic assignment of party members' votes to them. This paper surveys the relationship between candidates of citizen groups/the Japan Communist Party and his/her home district in Amagasaki city council election, 1997. In this election, four candidates of citizen groups claimed whole municipal issue, council reforming, as in the last election (1993). They not only maintained and newly constructed broad network of citizens, but this tme they also did locally-oriented election activities. There were two reasons why they regarded each home district as importnat. i) Three of them who had won the last election build relationship to their neighbours during their term of office, and ii) many voters wanted their local representatives because of the influence of the Great Hanshin-Awaji Earthequake (1995) etc. However the candidates' attitude toward home district and their spatial spheres of election activities varied considerably. These factors affected each scope of votes and even the electoral results. This paper illustrates the assigned zones of the Japan Communist Party. These zones determined the spheres of votes of the candidates and enabled them to get solid votes. Additionally, in the official gazette for election, the candidates promised to consider local interests to the neighbours of their own zones.

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