With the recent progress of embankment works using high-water revetments in Japan, the rivers have had the marked tendencies to increase flood discharge and to cause frequent flood behind levee. The inhabitant and the municipal anti-flood corporation along the river have placed too much confidence in the safety of embankments and have paid little attention for the changes of river runoff. For the purpose of the effective embankment works, it should be born in mind to take an anti-flood consciousness of inhabitant into consideration. The purpose of this paper is to clarify the inhabitant's cognition and their behavioral patterns in the flood of 1972, by which the urbanized area of Miyoshi City has been much affected. The behaviour of inhabitant were surveyed with the interview schedule. This contains 6 mein items and 58 details including the following ; (1) the flood cognition of inhabitant suffering from the past floods, (2) the behavioural pattarns at the time of flood behind levee, (3) the behaviour before the break down of the embankment, (4) announcement of the refuge order, (5) the refuge behaviour, and (6) the rescue activities. The number of interviews wchedules collected are 317 sheets which account for about 15 percent of all the suffered households in the surveyed area. The following are the results of the analyses. 1. In the flood of 1972, total rainfall and its intensilty was less than that in the flood of 1945, but the peak discharge was more than that of the later. Depending too much on the experiences of the the past floods, the behavioural attitudes and the counter measures against the flood, of the inhabitant and the municipal anti-flood corporations, were not appropriate in the least, resulting in turmoil and confusion. 2. The number of households having taken the relevant bahaviours at the time of flood, i. e. (1) noticing for the rising of water level in the river, (2) waiting for the refuge order at the midnight, and (3) quickly refuging after the refuge order, was only 27.2 percent of all the suffered households. The inhabitant's flood cognition affected much on the behaviours untill receiving the refuge order but does not directly orient the refuge behaviour. It is worthy of notice that old households having much experiences of the past floods had not refuged lastly. 3. The urban area surveyed is divided into two districts, i.e. the Miyoshi district growing from the castle town, and the Tokaichi district has urbanised fastly in recent years. These differences on the location and historical growth of the two districts reflect in the flood cognion and the behaviour of inhabitant in each districts. Comparing the Miyoshi with the Tokaichi, as the inhabitant of Miyoshi had an anti-flood consciousness and measures conducted themselves along the step wise procedures and disciplines, they could refuge steadily from the flood of 1972.
Mit Hilfe der modifizierten Methode von T6rnqvist u. a. hat der Verfasser die Kontakt-landschaft Japans und ihren Wandel analysiert: Wie verteilen sich in ganz Japan die kontakt-intensiven Arbeitnehmer (contact intensive employees), und wie hat sich ihre Verteilung im Verlauf der wirtschaftlichen Entwicklung seit den sechziger Jahren verandert? Gleichzeitig hat er auch die Entwicklungstendenzen der zuktinftigen Kontaktlandschaft diskutiert. Dabei hat der Verfasser mit der folgenden Formel das Kontaktpotential (contact potential) berechnet und das zukiinftige simuliert. V_i=Σ^^<46>__<j=1> T_<ij>・P_j, wobei v_i das Kontaktpotential der Prafektur i, T_<i j> die Beschaftig ungszeit in der Prafektur i bei der Dienstreise von Prafektur j nach i und P_j die kontaktintensive Arbeitnehmerzahl der Prafektur j zeigt. Die Hauptergebnisse dieser Analysen sind wie folgt zusammengefaβt. Im Jahr 1965 waren die kontaktintensiven Arbeitnehmer in Tokio und Osaka kon-zentriert ; man konnte also die Doppelzentrenstruktur feststellen, wie es Abb. 2 zeigt. Von 1965 bis 1970 setzte sich der Konzentrationsprozeβ in Tokio und in seinen Nach-barprafekturen noch fort, wahrend er in den Prafekturen Osaka und Aichi etwas schwacher war als in Tokio (Abb. 3b). Daher wurde die Verteilung der kontaktinten-siven Arbeitnehmer zur Einzentrumstruktur von Tokio verandert. Seit der Olkrise 1973 aber sank die bislang zunehmende Rate der kontaktintensiven Arbeitnehmer in ganz Japan plotzlich ab. Innerhalb dieser Tendenz nahm sie in Tohoku und Kyushu usw., wo die Konzentration der kontaktintensiven Arbeitnehmer friiher unterentwickelt hat, relativ noch zu, sodaβ man die Zerstreuungstendenz bemerken kann (Abb. 3c). Die Relation der kontaktintensiven zur gesamten Arbeitnehmerzahl war nattirlich relativ hoch in den drei Metropolregionen und auch in den Prafekturen mit einer Landeshauptstadt, obwohl sie in ganz Japan wahrend der Jahre 1965 bis 1975 zunahmen (Abb. 1). Das deutet auf die engen Beziehungen zwischen den Managementfunktionen und den kontaktintensiven Arbeitnehmern hin.
During the early years after World War II, Koji Iizuka (1906-1970) bent his energies, in his speech and writing, on the democratization of Japanese culture and on the exaltation of social consciousness of the Japanese. What did he speak and write for the purpose of following up his study about these problems ? How was it related to his studies during the war ? What position did it occupy in the postwar national affairs ? In this paper the writer elucidates these problems. The most remarkable points to note are as follows : 1) He gave comparative consideration, in the light of the history of world civilization, to the oriental civilization including the Japanese one, the immature democracy of which he thought was at a crisis. He further pointed out that American civilization was the ultra-modern civilization, which was different from European civilization. 2) During the war, he prosecuted the analytical study of the oriental society so as to put into practice the establishment of the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere, from the standpoint of Japanese superiority in modernization and industrialization: After the war, on the contrary, he prosecuted that study in search of Japanese democratization as one of the oriental communities. 3) He criticized severely the morel civilization of Japan that had not yet reached the modern stage, and urged the Japanese to revolutionize this social consciousness. Next he gave the first scientific study to the Japanese army, which trial was put under a taboo. As a result, he made clear the general features of Japanese society and civilization. 4) He criticized the Japanese intellectuals on the ground that they had both modern ideas and feudal ones, that they had abandoned the former so easily during the war, and that they had been separated from the masses. He also criticized them because their learning had been hither to removed from realities. 5) He thought of a modern civil society as a model of Japanese democratization. And yet, he regarded the revolution in China, which broke out in 1949, as the first democratic revolution in the oriental countries. As a consequence, he considered a sound nationalism to be a driving force of democratization. The writer finds lizuka's self-examination of his studies during the war in his activities of speech and writing, as one of the modernists after the war. The writer also finds that his activities were divorced from realities and the masses. It is, however, significant that he continued to criticize persistently the Japanese undeveloped moral civilization, and in relation to that, he criticized the learning and intellectuals of Japan.
The production area of an agricultural product is subdivided into the core region and the circumference region. Between them, apparent differences are found in production structure. The area of this study, Saga prefecture, is a newly developed orange cultivation region. The author attempted to examine the spatial distribution pattern of this orange production region, and to investigate the differences in production structure between the core region and the circumference region. Firstly, factor analysis and cluster analysis are applied for subdividing orange cultivation areas. The result is as follows ; the areas may be subdivided into seven regions (A. B, ………F. Fig.6), D is an orange dominant region. C_1 is an orange and rice region, which is located around D. C_2 is a rice dominant with subsidiary orange region, Iocated around C_1. Moving away from region D toward C_1 or C_2, the degree of orange cultivation decreases. Consequently the author called D the core region in orange production, and C_1 and C_2 the circumference regions. Secondly, sample study areas were selected as follows ; Tobosa hamlet, Hamatama-Town, from the D region, Ikisashimo hamlet, Ohchi-Town, from the C_1 and C_2 regions. In the former, one of the oldest orange production regions, orange production has been introduced in every farm-class. Co-operative production facilities have been established. And young successors are earnestly occupied in orange production. In the latter, orange production has been introduced as a complex farming crop with rice. It has not spread further into the farmers of the low and middle classes. Cooperative production facilities have not been established. The agricultural labour force mostly depends on females and aged males. As to shipment of oranges, the co-operative system is most important in Saga prefecture. But certain differences are found in destination. That is, the main market of Hamatama-Town is the Kanto-megalopolis. On the other hand, that of Ohchi-Town is the local market such as Yamanashi prefecture. Thirdly, concerning responses to severe conditions for orange production, there are apparent differences between these two sample areas. In Hamatama we can see certain corresponding measures (for example changing the kind of orange), but in Ohchi the farmers paid attention to products other than citrus like winter crops in paddy field. Or they are apt to give up orange cultivation.