Commercial ofganizations of prominent Chinese merchants groups based upon the identity of local origin or profession, which were re-established after the suppression of the Taiping rebellion, started to break up from the end of the 1880s, resulting in their re-organization into Chinese chambers of commerce under the guidance of the ministry of commerce in the early twentieth century. The reason for this historical phenomenon was not the development of capitalism in China, but the formation and the growth of a Chinese commercial network which cooperated in the commercial activities of British firms in return for protecting of property under the treaty privileges. granted during the 1880s. These treaty privileges, which pro-British Chinese eagerly sought to utilize, included the use of outward transit pass as (i.e. tokens of one-half export duty) and the limited liability of shareholders, which was effective only for the shareholders in "British tirms" registered as so by the British Supreme Court in the Shanghai foreign settlement. It was Ewo Silk Filature of Jardine, Matheson Company's Shanghai branch that combined these two treaty privi-leges, enabling their Chinese partners to protect their property from both Lijin tax collection and bankruptcy. In order to reveal the origin of this pro-British-firm Chinese network acting in return for protection of their property with the limited liability of shareholders of British firms, this article first deals with the process of how Ewo Silk Filature was re-stablished. The author then turns to "the Bank of China Case" as the only example for witnessing the growth of the pro-British-fifm Chinese commercial network. Finally he reveals how and why Chinese local officials tried to intervene in "the Bank of China Case" and the following negotiations concerning Article 4 of the Mackay treaty. The above commercial conflicts and diplomatic negotiations reveal the historical character of Chinese society from the view point of institutional history.
In the present paper, the author attempts to clarify the process by which the family pedigrees (Kamon 家門) of aristocrats (kuge-shu 公家衆) were confirmed (ando 安堵) by the Muromachi shogunate, in order tb investigate the relationship between the shogun and the emperor during the period. First, the author focuses on the Muromachi shogunate from the regime of Ashikaga Takuji to that of Yoshiakira and examines the significance of the shogun confirming the status of main family (honke 本家) and concludes that such certification was not on the same level as chiten-no-kimi 治天の君 confirmations, which included the element of vassalage, but rather was carried out in order to quell rebellion and disputes within the warrior class. The author then turns to the question of how the shogun got involved in confirming the pedigrees of aristocratic families. He states that during the Northern and Southern Court period such confirmation was made by the emberor; however, from the Kanno era (1350-52), opinions on such matters submitted to the emperor by the Muromachi shogun (buke shisso 武家執奏) came to exert more and more influence on obtaining aristocratic status. Such actions were designed to bring the aristocracy into service to the shogunate. The author then focuses on the regime of Ashikaga yoshimitsu, in order to shed light on the process leading up to the shogun's confirmation of aristocratic pedigree. In this sense Yoshimitsu's shogunate can be divided into three periods. During the early and middle years of the regime, aristocrats sought confirmation of their proprietorships from Yoshimitsu on a personal basis, and this tendency strengthened during the later years of the regime. In. an investigation of the background and significance of shogunal confirmation of aristocratic families, the author sites that in the case of Yoshimitsu, 1) very cordial relationships exited between the atistocracy and the shogun, 2) it was a time when pedigree inheritance within aristocratic families has become unstable, and 3) confirmation was granted via personal liege to Yoshimitsu. Finally, the author views the period spanning the shogunates of Ashikaga Yoshimochi and Yoshimasa, in order to examine further developments in shogunal confirmation of aristocratic pedigree. During this period, confirmation would be granted either by the shogun in conjunction with the emperor or by the emperor alone. As to the relationship between the shogun and emperor under this state of affairs, the role played by Yoshimitsu in maintaining and recognizind aristocratic pedigree was gradually transferred to the emperor, as the shogun's function became limited to confirming proprietary rights related to aristocratic pedigree.
This paper aims to clarify the environmental characteristics of monzenmachi (門前町 temple towns) where theatrical performances were given. For this purpose the case of Kompira is dealt with, which was famous for the Kompira Shrine and the Kompira Oshibai (金毘羅大芝居 Kompira grand theater) in Sanuki Province. It was in 1835 that a permanent theater was built in Kompira. A close look at the development of this event reveals that the social foundations for the theater were prepared from the late 18th into the 19th Century. Behind this phenomenon was the syncretic Shinto sect of Kompira that had become very popular at the time. There are five environmental characteristics that realized the building of the permanent theater. First of all, the place named Kinzanjimachi was regarded as an "evil place". The theater and the pleasure quarters nearby produced the exciting and dangerous atmosphere of amusement. Secondly chaya (茶家 inns where guests can enjoy prostitutes), okiya (置屋 houses of prostitution), and hatagoya (旅籠屋 inns) made up the unique society there. The proprietors of chaya sometimes worked as teyoriyaku 手寄役, peace keepers in Monzenmachi. Yamotoya-Gen'emon and Kyutaro, the head of teyoriyaku, also belonged to a group gangsters in a certain sense. Their particular society and culture, as the third point, offer the key to understanding the Kompira Oshibai. Shukubagata (宿場方 a kind of town officer) imposed a business tax on chaya and okiya to raise the funds for theater performances. Both the teyori and the shukubagata played the role of promoter. The funds that the shukubagata controlled were, at the same time, guaranteed by wealthy merchants serving the feudal lord. There-fore, we should also pay attention to their economical activities, as the fourth point. The last important problem concerns the power of the feudal lord, but will be taken up a later paper. In conclusion, the permanent theater in Kompira was built, because it was needed by various groups of people in the temple town for various cultural and social reasons.