史学雑誌
Online ISSN : 2424-2616
Print ISSN : 0018-2478
ISSN-L : 0018-2478
95 巻 , 3 号
選択された号の論文の14件中1~14を表示しています
  • 原稿種別: 表紙
    1986 年 95 巻 3 号 p. Cover1-
    発行日: 1986/03/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
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  • 原稿種別: 表紙
    1986 年 95 巻 3 号 p. Cover2-
    発行日: 1986/03/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 島田 誠
    原稿種別: 本文
    1986 年 95 巻 3 号 p. 289-324,440-43
    発行日: 1986/03/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
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    The purpose of this paper is to investigate the actual conditions of Roman citizens, who belonged to the lower classes and were living outside Urbs Roma, under the Principate. The author takes up Augustales, i.e. freedmen-priests of the Imperial cult, as an index of such a people for the following three reasons : 1)all the known Augustales were Roman citizens and their existence is attested to in most of the Roman cities (coloniae, municipia and conventus civium Romanorum) ; 2)they are considered as the representatives of the plebeian Roman citizens ; and 3)they were freedmen Roman citizens (libertini cives Romani) who played important roles in Roman society and whose relation to their former masters (patroni) has been discussed. First the author questions what relations the freedmen who held the office of Augustales had to the cities and familiae of the patroni. He reexamines the inscriptions about Augustales and concludes as follows. 1)The relation of Augustales to the cities is of secondary importance. 2)The relations to the familiae are numerous but of primary importance. 3)The familiae came into conflict with cities concerning freedmen in the middle of the 2nd century ; and the freedmen transferred their primary relationship from the familiae to the cities in the later 2nd century. Then the problems arise as to what relations the Roman citizens in general i.e. populus Romanus had to the familiae and the cities, what circumstances gave rise to the transfer of freedmen Roman citizens (libertini cives Romani), and how the circumstances are to be estimated. The author argues as follows. i)The familiae of Roman citizens were fundamental units of populus Romanus, and were distinguished from foreign families. ii)The cities were merely administrative units organized by Imperial power and not units of populus Romanus. iii) The dissolving of the uniquness of the Roman citizens' familiae gave rise to the above-mentioned transfer of the freedmen Roman citizens. iv)The dissolution of the uniqueness can be estimated as preparatory step to the constitutio Antoniniana. As long as familiae of Roman citizens were distinguished from other foreign families, Roman citizens' conditions may be considered unique and priviledged ones. But in the later 2nd century the dissolution of the uniqueness of the Roman citizens' familiae caused Roman citizens to lose their former priviledge.
  • 荒川 正晴
    原稿種別: 本文
    1986 年 95 巻 3 号 p. 325-362,439-43
    発行日: 1986/03/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
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    The Kingdom of Kao-ch'ang 高昌 under the rule of Ch'u 麹 family instituted chun 郡 and hsien 県 over an area spanning almost all of twenty and more walled towns dotted in the Turfan basin. However, between these chun and hsien, there was no subordinative relation, rather they were respectively under th direct command of the central government. We may presume that actual responsible persons for management of such chun and hsien were the "ssu-ma 司馬 (chu-che 主者)" of chun and hsien mentioned in "fu 符" (documents for communication from superiors to inferiors). Especially, in the case of chun, the "ssu-ma (chu-che)" seemed to mean the official post of ssu-ma in several government offices ; and the person who was assigned to that post had to be a man of an influential clan in the central area or a particularly influential clan in a local area On the other hand, in the case of chun and hsien, men of central influential clans, including the royal family, were designated chun t'ai-shou 郡太守 (governors-general of chun) and hsien ling 県令 (prefectural governors). However, they not always actually travelled to thir appointed places, that is, an inclination towards absentee designation prevailed. Thus, the reason why a characteristic chun-hsien system was formed in the Kingdom of Kao-ch'ang under the rule of the Ch'u family was because there was a tradition of the organization "fu 府" (supreme municipal government) of "P'iao-ch'i 驃騎 grand general Hsi-p'ing-Chun K'ai-kuo-kung 西平郡開国公" given by Northern Wei to the king of Kao-ch'ang, and when the Kingdom was established as an independent nation at the beginning of the sixth century, it founded new commanding order centered around the above mentioned "fu". In the process of gaining ascendancy over several walled towns, the Kingdom of Kao-ch'ang instituted chun and hsien while at the same time apparently structuring the organization of "fu" over them and assigning ssu-ma as well as can-chun 参軍, the "fu" officials. Ordinally, in order to govern these chun and hsien, we presume that men of central influential clans, including the roylal family, were sent as governors-general of chun and prefectural governors to command the officials of "fur" as well as to bring the walled towns under the military administration. Before long, together with the stabilization of local administration, the inclination towards absentee designation to those posts of governor-general of chun and prefectural governor, was generated, and the actual responsible persons for local administration were replaced by "ssu-ma (chu-che)" of chun and hsien. The reason why not only central influential clans but also particular local influencial clans entered into the official post of ssu-ma in several local government offices, I suppose, was because this post was not only the highest in rank for local officials, but also because a promotion course from ssu-ma of chun to the official post of ssu-ma in central government offices was created. Moreover, though we can hardly ascertain by historical materials, these conditions were assumed to be fundamentally similar to hsien, which had almost the same level of governmental organization. And to cope with the established noble lineage society in this Kingdom, they created, I presume, a certain promotion course to introduce local influential clans into the center, in order to pervade local management with the central government, as well as to build up a new noble lineage under the Ch'u King's family. In brief, from the study of the character of the chun-hsien system in the Kingdom of Kao-ch'ang, We may conclude that this Kingdom succeeded to a certain extent in its countermeasurs against influential clans through the execution of the unique chun-hsien system ; and this was one of

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  • 渡辺 晃宏
    原稿種別: 本文
    1986 年 95 巻 3 号 p. 363-381,437-43
    発行日: 1986/03/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
    We have many fundamental studies on Shozeicho 正税帳 (balance sheets of tax rice) in the Tenpyo 天平 era. Almost all of them attempt to restore their original forms, for they were cut into many segments so that the backs of them could be used as account books in the Shakyojo 写経所 (the Sutra copying office), a section of the Zotodaijishi 造東大寺司 (office in charge of building the temple of Todaiji 東大寺). In those days paper was precious, and the Shakyojo required great quantities of paper to record data on Sutra copying. Their restoration is, however, based almost exclusively on the re-creation of their content. Therefore it is no exaggeration to say that the restoration of Shozeicho is now at a standstill. In this paper the author shows a new and different way of restoring these ledgers by relying on the states of their re-use in the Shakyojo. For that work, it is necessary first to restore the account books of the Shakyojo, because they have also lost their original form due to a number of re-arrangements beginning with Hoida Tadatomo 穂井田忠友. Then we must understand the whole system of Sutra copying in the Tenpyo era. From this point of view, the author offers an opinion as to the names of the Gun 郡 of the three segments for which we have no geographic locations. The segment-D of Bungo-no-Kuni Shozeicho 豊後国正税帳 (balance sheet of tax rice of Bungo province) in Tenpyo 9th year (737) belongs to Ono-Gun 大野郡, and both the segment-F and H of Owari-no-Kuni Shozeicho 尾張国正税帳 in Tenpyo 6th year (734) belong to Ama-Gun 海部郡. This way of restoring is not always effective ; however, without this point of view there would be no progress in the study on not only Shozeicho but also Sekicho 籍帳. This is one reason why we should study Sutra copying in the nara 奈良 period.
  • 木村 隆俊
    原稿種別: 本文
    1986 年 95 巻 3 号 p. 382-388
    発行日: 1986/03/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
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  • 原稿種別: 付録等
    1986 年 95 巻 3 号 p. 388-
    発行日: 1986/03/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
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  • 田中 博美
    原稿種別: 本文
    1986 年 95 巻 3 号 p. 389-390
    発行日: 1986/03/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
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  • 山田邦明
    原稿種別: 本文
    1986 年 95 巻 3 号 p. 390-396
    発行日: 1986/03/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
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  • 原稿種別: 本文
    1986 年 95 巻 3 号 p. 397-435
    発行日: 1986/03/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
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  • 原稿種別: 本文
    1986 年 95 巻 3 号 p. 436-440
    発行日: 1986/03/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
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  • 原稿種別: 付録等
    1986 年 95 巻 3 号 p. App1-
    発行日: 1986/03/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
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  • 原稿種別: 表紙
    1986 年 95 巻 3 号 p. Cover3-
    発行日: 1986/03/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 原稿種別: 表紙
    1986 年 95 巻 3 号 p. Cover4-
    発行日: 1986/03/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
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