This issue, entitled “International Organization and Regime Change, ” has been organized in order to seek new avenues of research in international organization studies. Heretofore, international organization research in Japan has concentrated mainly on the examination of the formal structure and legal norms of international organizations, scholars of international law playing the lead role. In the field of international relations, international organization has been dealt with largely in the context of power politics, with strong interest in collective security systems. The impact of behavioralism on international organization research has been relatively limited.
The study of international, organization must develop new approaches if it is to address itself to the more pertinent question of change and order in world politics. International collaboration, bargaining and coalition-building, conflict management—these are areas that should be of central concern to the study of international organization. The concept of “international regime” could provide the theoretical framework for expanding and strengthening international organization studies. It brings under one framework macro as well as micro levels of research, the former linking international organization studies with the inquiry into international structural change, and the latter with the examination of the consciousness and behavior of individual actors. An international organization model that focuses on the organizationally dependent capabilities of actors can also provide explanation for “regime change.” The concept of “international regime” could serve as the frame of reference for collaboration among researchers in international law, international economics and international politics, as in all three fields interest is burgeoning in regard to the functional aspects of international organizations. The need to examine the over-all role of international organization in international relations is also becoming more widely recognized.

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Has there been progress in international relations? The facts are as contradictory as are our theories. I identify progress with peaceful change and offer the hypothesis that improvement results as a more complex division of labor leads to a greater degree of rationality in individual and group behavior. As people calculate their interests more carefully they will discover that they depend increasingly on the realization of other people's interests. The study of international organizations can test this hypothesis, provided we transcend older theories of international relations and concentrate on the concept of “regimes.”
Regimes involve three ideas: world order values (equality, efficiency, survival, quality of life); actor objectives designed to realize these values; collaborative activities to attain the objectives. The values often conflict and any one regime is a sub-optimal compromise of some of them. The hierarchy of values, objectives and activities (“nests”) are differently arranged by different politicians. The politicians who do the arranging can be thought of as learning to combine pieces of knowledge into bigger and more powerful nests. Once in place, these nests serve as the cognitive guides for fashioning additional collaborative programs. Learning takes place to the extent that the actors are able to devise more comprehensive programs for the members of the regime on the basis of nested concepts. Progress becomes the recognition by actors of social complexity and mastery.
Nesting is informed by the knowledge available to actors, which they interpret to suit their particular interests. Bargaining among actors determines how that knowledge is applied to formulate collaborative activities. Types of bargaining, in turn, determine how objectives can be combined, which world order values will be advanced, which political ideologies can be transcended or merged.
The record of international negotiations in actually demonstrating learning of this type is very mixed and quite inconclusive with respect to progress. However, if progress also means the ability of scholars to grasp what is occurring, then therecord of post-1945 scholarship has shown progress.

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The U. N. peacemaking mechanism should be understood as the U. N. conflict management regime with two components: the U. N. proper, and regional organization.
Has the regime been effective?
Historically, the conflict management of the regime has, in many cases, been ineffective because numerous disputes have not been referred to it, or because no moderation of conflicts has been realized owing to difficulties of conflict management, and so forth. In no less cases, however, it has been effective because it has been able to manage conflicts with the cooperation of the superpowers: in decolonization, in U. N. membership questions or in those of confrontation between the super powers.
Criticism of the regime, as expressed on such occasions as the meeting held under the auspices of the Aspen Institute in 1982, and the international conference held under the ausepices of the Stanley Foundation in 1983, are as follows: the fact that the U. N. has not successfully worked as a whole, the paralized function of the Security Council, unsuccesful mediations by the U. N. Secretary General, replacement of U. N. peacekeeping operations by multi-national forces.
Of these criticisms, some merely reflect general frustration with the U. N. itself, while others stem from misunderstanding. Nevertheless, suggestions should be made to respond to valid requests for improvement as follows:
1) strengthening of the functions of the Security Council by newly setting up an auxilliary organ and devising means to assure implementation of resolutions, adopted,
2) U. N. cooperation with regional conflict management,
3) flexible interpretation of the principle of prior agreement, in fact finding and peace keeping activities,
4) full support of the U. N. Secretary General's mediation,
5) reconfirmation by all member states to cooperate with the regime in conflict management,
In conclusion, with the proposals raised above for improvement in mind, the U. N. Secretary General should be trusted to use the full power of the regime in order to implement concrete proposals for peacemaking which he outlined in the report to the 37th U. N. General Assembly.

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There are important controversies over the dynamics of the disarmament issue which have not yet been fully addressed. This study suggests a simple framework of analysis by applying an international regime perspective which helps to shed light on these controversies. The most basic assumption in this study is that the international disarmament regime, if it exists, cannot be understood if separated from a certain kind of great power coordination, however limited. From this assumption, the following three subconcepts of the regime are drawn: (1) clarification of the major power constellation of the regime, (2) formation of some particular issue which is commonly beneficial to all major members and also acceptable to other, minor members, (3) cognitive congruence or compatibility over the given issues among major members.
The findings drawn from an examination of the development of the disarmament issue after World War II by applying this framework are as follows: (1) by 1962, all three subconcepts indicated the existence of a regime in this issue-area. The norms or principles that the regime embodied shows that it is properly called an arms control, not a disarmament, regime. But at the same time, the arms control regime is not able to continue without satisfying, or at least pretending to satisfy, some requirements of disarmament norms. (2) after signing the Partial Test Ban Treaty, which symbolizes the foundation of the regime, this regime went into the next phase of developing and structuring which lasted until 1978. In this process, it has been suggested that two indispensable subregimes emerged. One subregime concerns the communication channel through which major members tried to confirm mutual commitment to avoidance of nuclear war, the other the device to institutionalize a hierarchical structure between major (nuclear) and minor (nonnuclear) members. In the early stage of the development process, while communicating rather vaguely their mutual commitment to nuclear war avoidance, major members established the devices of institutionalization. Immediately after that, the regime entered into a new stage of development in which major members tried to confirm their mutual commitment through direct adjustment of nuclear forces. This stage, it is suggested, might internalize new destabilizing factors in the core of the regime.

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The concept of international regime has been used widely to analyze global political change, especially in the international political economy. The present article applies that concept to international human rights, an issue area that has been discussed widely in recent years. The patterns of human rights achievement are diverse. The promotion of human rights through the United Nations has led to formulation of the ideals of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the legal norms of two International Covenants on Human Rights. Regional frameworks to protect human rights in Europe, the Americas, and elsewhere demonstrate particular facets of current practice. The machinery within the United Nations system and under the two Covenants represents a more universal means for protecting rights.
Trends in post-World War II practice of human rights in global politics are summarized according to five periods: (1) emergence, pre-1945; (2) first transition, 1945-1948; (3) consolidation, 1949-1973; (4) second transition, 1974-1978; and (5) continuation, after 1978. In the application. of regime analysis to trends in human rights, particular attention is devoted to the causes and characteristics of periods of transition in the practices of the international community and to an evaluationn of the significance of these changes.
The author also discusses three criteria specific to a human rights regime: justice, universality, and respect. Developments in the human rights regime since 1945 give evidence of major progress in this field at the global level.

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The organic character built into the world economy after the war has been considerably weakened since the end of the 1960's because of the difficulties into which the activities of the GATT and the IMF have been falling. Nevertheless, the unity of the world economy has, since then, been maintained and interdependence among. countries has been strengthening.
One of the reasons for the advancement of such a trend is that activities in the private sector, such as international capital movements and Euro-currency markets, are markedly growing. These activities are now playing an important role in expanding the production and accumulation of capital from narrow spheres based, on each national economy to vast territories abroad. Thus, economic relations among countries are becoming more and more tightly organized.
Many developing countries are also being gradually included within this tight and organic network. So, the new international economic system, now on the way to formation, must incorporate and fulfil the various demands presented by these countries, because elimination of the economic gap between the North and South is, at the present stage, one of the most important tasks facing the world economy.

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The North-South negotiations in the United Nations started at the end of the 1950's against the background of the appearance of many newly independent developing countries. Since then, the negotiations have gone through several stages.
The first stage (from the end of the 1950's to the 1960's) was a dawning period with a growing tendency to encourage and promote the North-South negotiations both inside and outside of the United Nations. Many new and enlightening ideas and proposals were introduced by scholars, politicians and governments.
In the second stage (the 1970's), developing countries started to intensify the socalled “structural approach, ” and argued that the gap in development between developed and developing countries cannot be bridged without changing the present world economic system. In 1974, the Sixth Economic Special Session of the General Assembly was held at the request of the Non-Aligned Countries, and the concept of “A New International Economic Order” (NIEO) was introduced. NIEO is fundamentally similar to the “structural approach, ” but was instigated by the strong political and ideological motivation of some Non-Aligned Countries, particularly of OPEC. NIEO spread quickly throughout United Nations organizations and has become an established principle for developing countries, governing their strategy in North-South negotiations. At the same time it has so much politicized the North-South dialogue and complicated the negotiations that the North-South negotiations in the United Nations have tended to become ideological and rhetorical without leading to concrete results for the solution of the problems.
In the beginning of the third stage (from the beginning of the 1980's till now), the negotiations on the launching of Global Negotiations (GN) have come to dominate North-South negotiations. The novelty lies in the inclusion of energy among the five major issues. In spite of hard negotiations over four years, GN has not been launched yet. This stalemate has de facto blocked substantial negotiations in other United Nations organizations like UNCTAD and UNIDO.
Under these circumstances, the United Nations should find a breakthrough for more realistic and constructive North-South negotiations beyond GN. The reason why the NIEO-GN approach has so far failed should be understood and analyzed. The world economic system itself has made some changes, reflecting the shifting balance of power among countries and groups. Future negotiations should not simply take the form of North versus South, but should be more diversified taking into account the changing situation of the present world economic system.

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Law plays an essential role in the establishment and operation of various international organizations because they are legal entities created by law (treaties concluded among States). In the past, the legal analyses of the structure and activities of international organizations have concentrated on studies of the provisions of the constitutive documents and of the resolutions, rules, decisions, etc., adopted by international organizations.
Today, the relationship between law and international organizations is more complex and a mere analysis of the provisions of documents establishing the organizations and of documents created by the organizations is neither sufficient nor comlegal plete.
First of all, international law is not the only legal system which has a direct relevance to the structure and operation of international organizations. The municipal law of states and the proper law of international organizations are also important systems affecting international organizations.
Secondly, the relationship between international organizations and a legal system is not one-way but two-way. One is the relationship where a legal system affects international organizations and the other is that where international organizations affect the legal system.

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The aim of this paper is to examine China's foreign policy towards the Third World from the perspective of “Treaties concluded.” Here “Treaties” mean not only agreements but contractual arrangements between two or more parties. There-fore, these treaties are expressions of mutual consent to carry out specific actions.
“Treaties” in this paper include all official and semi-official exchanges of commitments involving not only Treaties (Tiao-Ye) like “Treaty of Friendship and Mutual Non-Aggression, ” but also consensual diplomatic notes like Agreements (Xie-Ding), Protocols (Yi-Ding-Shu), Exchange of Notes (Huan-Wen) and so on. China has about 4, 000 “Treaties” agreed to with 128 foreign countries from 1949 to 1980.
On these lines, this paper consists of three sections. In the first section, all the “Treaties” agreed to with foreign countries are presented. In the following section, all the “Treaties” with the Third World are summarised in quality and quantity. Finally, China's objectives in agreeing to “Treaties” with the Third World are analysed.

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