国際政治
Online ISSN : 1883-9916
Print ISSN : 0454-2215
ISSN-L : 0454-2215
1978 巻, 59 号
選択された号の論文の14件中1~14を表示しています
  • 非国家的行為体と国際関係
    平野 健一郎
    1978 年 1978 巻 59 号 p. 1-18,L2
    発行日: 1978/08/30
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    Iio Sogi (1421?-1502) is one of the most renowned masters of renga, linked verse. Japanese linked verse reached its zenith during the Muromachi period, to the extent that even commoners enjoyed composing verse in competition. Sogi, probably of low birth, trained himself to become a professional renga poet during the civil war of the Onin era (1467-77). He was eventually designated by the shogun as the highest master of renga. He was the central figure in the compilation by imperial command, in 1945, of an anthology of contemporary linked verse. This anthology, Shinsen Tsukuba-shu, is regarded as the greatest achievement in orthodox style renga.
    In Kyoto, Japan's political and cultural center, Sogi gave court nobles and aristocrats lectures on classics, such as the Tale of Genji and the Kokin anthology, as well as instructions on linked verse. He also made numerous extensive trips to distant places. There he was welcomed by local warriors, who asked him to coach their renga compositions and serve as master for their renga gatherings. His trips were so frequent and his association with certain warriors so close that some suspect that this master of poetry was also the first professional spy in Japan. But there is little evidence to show that he played a role similar to that of the itinerant monks of medieval Italy. More significant about Sogi's travels is the fact that they were for literary activities. As such, they served as a cultural link between local areas and the center and between the warrior class with the aristocracy during this period of disunity.
    All the characteristic features of the renga had been developed by Sogi's time. According to scholars, the most important features were as follows. First, the renga was a literary activity by groups of people gathered together. Usually, one hundred lines formed a renga. People, often amateurs, composed the lines one after another in the manner of a chain, under the guidance of a master. The participants were simultaneously composers and appreciators and in an ideal atmosphere a sense of togetherness prevailed. People of different classes gathered together as in the gatherings presided over by Sogi. Second, the renga was a literature that prized and bound itself to set forms to the extreme. The composition of linked verse had to follow meticulous rules concerning subject matter, intervals at which the same subject matter could reappear, and so forth. This means that participants were presumed to share common images of every subject matter. Third, a knowledge of classical literature was deemed essential to the renga. Renga masters had to be experts of the classics, as Sogi actually was. Renga were full of allusions to classical novels and poems.
    The key element behind these and other characteristics of the renga was a concept called hon-i (lit., fundamental meaning). Any subject matter was expressed in terms of its hon-i, that is, the imagery of its beauty which had become a convention through the long process of repetition since the Heian period. No renga composer could deviate from this set notion of beauty. In other words, the hon-i was a “fixed image” in our language. Some of Sogi's trips were taken to confirm the hon-i of renowned places.
    Some scholars of Japanese literature today conclude that due to these characteristics linked verse is too stereotyped to be regarded as first-rate literature. Others maintain that its conventions are exactly what makes the renga an exciting literature. This author agrees with the second view. But he also wants to stress the significance of the fact that local warriors were renga enthusiasts, and it was they who desired and promoted the compilation of the Shinsen Tsukuba-shu. Sogi, a culture carrier, linked local areas and the center through l
  • 非国家的行為体と国際関係
    野谷 文昭
    1978 年 1978 巻 59 号 p. 19-39,L3
    発行日: 1978/08/30
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    From the integration movement in Latin America we know that since the 19th century two currents, based on the regionalism such as Pan-Americanism led by U. S. which began with the Monroe Doctrine, and Bolivarism or Americanism emerged from within Latin America. But the questions of domestic politics and frontier disputes have impeded the realization of Latin-American integration.
    On the other hand, the modernization of Latin-American countries began in the latter half of the 19th century and the universities in which colonial institutions still remained were greatly in need of internal reform.
    The reform movement produced a transnational solidarity between students and intellectuals. This solidarity was founded on a continental scale nationalistic movement that sought to create a separate Latin-American culture which denied the European culture.
    The expansionist movement, as a part of the university reform, gave birth to popular universities, and linked the student movement to the labour movement.
    APRA (Alianza Popular Revolucionaria Americana) was born in such a student movement in the 1920's when the invasion of North American Imperialism reached its peak in Latin America. It developed a unique movement as an alliance and political party based on Americanism and solidified with anti-Yankee imperialism with a concrete political base holding up a program of five planks:
    1. Action against Yankee imperialism.
    2. For the political unity of Latin America.
    3. For the nationalization of land and industry.
    4. For the internationalization of the Panama Canal.
    5. For solidarity with all peoples and all oppressed classes.
    in the 1920's when the Comintern had little interest in this area.
    This article attempts to study the development of the Aprista movement since its foundation in 1924 to the creation of Peruvian Aprista Party (PAP) in 1931 when the Aprismo emphasized the national character, while it attributes the origin of its transnational character of the 1920's to the activities of the principal leader, V. R. Haya de la Torre, a leader of the student movement.
    The Aprista Party that Haya planned was a continental organization and was to have branches in each country of Latin America. For Latin America would be able to compete with U. S. on condition that it was unified politically and economically.
    In the 1920's the Apristas propagated the ideology of APRA and tried to create branches in each Latin-American country. It was between the students and Popular Universities that Haya found the potential support.
    Haya had visited the southern countries as the president of Peruvian Students' Federation (FEP) and Panama and Cuba after going into exile, and this experience is the origin of his activities in the 1920's.
    Though the Aprista movement could not create a continental scale it did succeed in establishings several branches in Latin America and Europe where it obtained many supporters.
    It was in the 1920's that communist movement developed in Latin America. This movement, under the direction of Comintern, created the Antiimperialist League and eventually came to be opposed Apra. That is Apra's regionalism or indigenousism and multiclass character were denied by the internationalism and proletarian dictatorship respectively. But Peruvian communist Mariategui collaborated with apristas in the early times and after denying the Apra as a political party he maintained the indigenousism and moreover the socialist party (communist party) he planned should not reject the middle class.
    After the foundation of PAP the Apra movement was reduced to a national movement and because of the change of U. S.'s Latin-American policy Apra became conservative. Nevertheless the insistence of the independent existence of Latin America and the proposal for Latin America integration in consideration of the nationalistic movement have an important significance when we consider questions in regard to
  • 非国家的行為体と国際関係
    浦野 起央
    1978 年 1978 巻 59 号 p. 40-64,L5
    発行日: 1978/08/30
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    PLO (Palestinian Liberation Organization) which head the palestinian national liberation struggle is a movement-formation body consisting of Palestinians and has the characteristics of being transnational and having a modern state approach. It is a struggle by Palestinians for the setting up a homeland, however, having lost their soil and they are propagandist Fedayeen of an armed struggle with the slogan of freedom and liberation.
    In the arab contexist during the All-Arab Palestine Conference and the General Syrian Congress of 1910, the Palestinian nationalism was rised. However, as a result of the Palestine War in 1948, the palestinians were scattered as the “refugees” and were used as tools by Arab nations for their foreign policies. After, the Palestinian national liberation movement has gone through the following stages.
    The 1st Period-In 1951 the Arab National Movement was formed and an awakening and consiousness was born. In 1955 the resistance movement was begun and from 1965 it has been escalating year by year.
    The 2nd Period-In September 1963 the Council of Arab League decided that the Arab Nations would take the responsiblity of liberating the Palestinians. In June 1964, during the first Palestine National Council the PLO was established.
    The 3rd Period-After the 3rd Arab-Israeli War the Palestinian Fedayeen become the vangard against Israel. In July 1968, the fourth Palestine National Council decided the Guerrilla Warfar of the Peoples' Revolution Strategy. Thus its began the International Internal War.
    The 4th Period-Though the conflict in the Arab Nations and their subsequent dealings with these nations, they began to demand the total liberation of the soil of Palestine, their homeland. In the 1971 PLO Constitution, Political Programe for the Conduct of the Palestine Revolution, and the formation of an democratic Palestinian state liberated from Zionist imperialism was taken up.
    The 5th Period-In July 1975 the Islam Congress declares its endorsment of opening up offices for PLO, and in January 1977 Egypt and Jordan agreed to coordinate among both countries for the formation of a Palestinian state.
    The leading role played by the PLO in International Internal War helped it to confirm its identity and this made the Arab Nations demand the formation of a Palestinian state as a condition for Middle East pease. The PLO is not a state but a movement-formation body, however of late as a transnational actor it has developed a new state within the existing state system. This state would not be the so-called “Establishment” but would rather be based on a community life-style, and with the union of the respective autonomics social and economic interchange would take place, such as a safe community among Jordan, Israel and others. Although this is called a state, it is a completely new kind of state and conditions necessary for making the foundation of this state possible is what I call the third situation. That is the UN should come to grips with the problem of the Palestinian guerrilla and demand a solution throught the state system. On the other hand, the popular movement in Israel should come in contact with the PLO and this solution should be demanded of the Israel Government by transformation and this would bring about overlapping of external and internal dimentions leading to international relations while it make no distinction between peace and war.
  • 非国家的行為体と国際関係
    伊藤 勝美
    1978 年 1978 巻 59 号 p. 65-80,L6
    発行日: 1978/08/30
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    A number of Canadian students of International Relations have been paying more and more attention to the significance of international activities of Canadian provinces.
    From 1960 on, Quebec, one of the ten Canadian provinces, began to strengthen contacts with France and francophone African countries, while promoting the Quiet Revolution as an expression of the will to fulfill the “epanouissement” of the French Canadians in Quebec, and gave rise to bitter wars of words with Ottawa.
    Traditionally, French Canadians had looked upon foreign affairs as a threat to Canadian independence and their own way of life. However, at the beginning of the 1960s, they radically changed this negative attitude. Having found the conduct by Ottawa of external affairs insufficient to their aspirations, they set out to play an active role in international affairs in respect to the matters to the belonging provincial jurisdiction, which might lead to the strengthening of Quebec's international personality as “l'Etat du Québec.”
    Some of the factors contributing to positive international activities of Quebec are:
    (1) Factors common to Canadian provinces including Quebec: International organizations and international legislation have increasingly been concerned matters falling wholly or partially within the legislative jurisdiction of the provinces. Provinces have different priorities in their policies, so the uniformity arising from vesting all international powers exclusively in the federal government is undesirable to the provinces. There are many problems to be solved between Canadian provinces and neighboring American states. Several provinces want to further economic relations with foreign countries.
    (2) Factors peculier to Quebec:
    Great convulsions in social, political and ideological domains in Quebec in the 1960s encouraged her to have “the desire to have access to certain areas of international relations, the will to assert an individual personality on a world-wide level, and the resolution to benefit from universl values.”
    The advent of the de Gaulle Government and the victory of the Afro-Asian nationalism provided favorable conditions for Quebec.
    The provinces other than Quebec have been carrying on .the international involvement pretty energetically, too, but without challenging a single Canadian personality in foreign affairs.
    Roughly speaking, from 1961 to 1965, Quebec paid attention to establishing close contacts with France and, from 1967 on, attempted to promote intimate relations with French-speaking Africa, along with developing the contacts with France. Bitter wars of words were begun especially by the conclusion of an official agreement on education between Quebec and France in 1965. Quebec insisted she could reach agreements with other countries without consulting the federal government, when these dealt with specially provincial matters. Quebec's active and independent participations in international conferences at the end of the 1960s rekindled major confronations between Ottawa and Quebec.
    The retirement of de Gaulle in 1969 and the advent of a “federalist” Bourassa Government in 1970 decreased a tension between Quebec and Ottawa concerning the international involvement of the former, but the government of Quebec still showed the determination to assert its position in international affairs.
    Increased international activities of Quebec obliged Ottawa to abandon a waitand-see policy toward France and French-speaking African countries. Above all, the de Gaulle affair in 1967 brought Ottawa's relations with France down to a more concrete level. In addition, Trudeau's diversification policy based on the “Third Option” necessiated the normalization of the Franco-Canadian relations.
    But in November 1977, when Premier René Lévesque of Quebec visited Paris, he was given an extraordinary reception by President
  • 非国家的行為体と国際関係
    砂田 一郎
    1978 年 1978 巻 59 号 p. 81-107,L8
    発行日: 1978/08/30
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    With the growth of intersocial interdependency and global mass communications, the interactions among a variety of non-governmental organizations across state boundaires are taking place remarkably in the contemporary world. And such a new type of citizens movements as environmentalists' protests and cosumers' actions emerged in Western industrialized societies since the late 1960's are not an exception of these transnational phenomena. This article is an attempt to characterize the pattern of transnational relations of the citizens movements, estimate their effects on the influence of the movements in their domestic and world politics, by means of analysing the transnational communications and other interactions among and between the movements opposing to nuclear power development in Western countries which is one of the most active citizens movements today.
    In the first chapter, the framework for analysis is proposed, in which the significance of the level of interactions, the degree of their institutionalization is suggested. Then, the general pattern of the interactions among the anti-nuclear power movements is assumed in the light of the basic nature of these movements within the above framework. In the second chapter, the developmental process of the anti-nuclear power movements in Western countries including Japan and the formation of their communication networks across state boundaries is observed and analysed in the context of the increase of transnational activities of the contemporary citizens movements in general. The focus is on how mostly local groups of the movements have come to contact with their counterparts in foreign countries, and have developed universalistic and global perspectives on the issue through their transnational exchange of informations and persons. The implications of the joint actions by multi-national demonstrators across the state borders of Western Europian countries is particularly noted.
    The next chapter deals with the case of transnational contacts and communications between the anti-nuclear power movement in Whyl in West Germany and the American grass-roots groups in New England which are known as their mass direct action in 1973, in order to elaborate structural characteristics of the transnational interactions and their impact on the movements themselves. Finally, the conclusions in the last chapter drawn from the foregoing analysis and the case study can be summerized as follows:
    The transnational interactions of the anti-nuclear power movements is characterized as the exchange of informations and persons between or among equal and independent organizations with common goals for mutual supporting and more effective political actions. There is no such an international center of the movement that controlls or manipulates the communications. The transnational communications and contacts are performed at two different levels. One is the communications between or among the national organizations of the movement of each country which mostly have well-organized domestic communication networks for affiliated local groups. What are transmitted at this level of communications include the technical informations on safety and economy of nuclear power plants, the ideas for energy saving life style and alternative energy sources, and the reports on the situations the movements face in many countries by means of regular exchange of periodicals and newsletters as well as personal contacts at international conferences of the movement.
    The transnational communications at the other level are the direct contacts and exchange of informations between local groups in different countries. Some of these are initiated by the national organizations, while some others are started through incidental personal contacts. The communications at this level are more action-oriented, in which detailed reports on activities of many groups, informations on the moves of their opponent forces, messages of solid
  • 非国家的行為体と国際関係
    南 義清
    1978 年 1978 巻 59 号 p. 108-133,L10
    発行日: 1978/08/30
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    A great many books and articles have already been written about the European Communities in order to clarify the nature of the international integration, but almost all have failed to generate satisfactory conceptualizations.
    The aim of the writer is to explore the characteristics of decision-making process in the European Communities and the role of the EC Commission by examining the development of the common agricultural policy. The present approach is marked by the use of “Decision-Making Approach” on the methodological level. But the analysis is confined to analyzing two case studies.
    As the conclusion shows the main characteristic of decision-making process and the role of the EC Commission is summarized as follows. The first is that the policy-making requires enormous time and also makes it extremely difficult to reach the final decision because of increasing the number of the actors participating in the decision process. The second is that, especially since 1965-1966 when the national actors' behavior became very active, the traditional political process among the nations has been seen in the decision-making process. But it should be stressed that the decision-making pattern analyzed here is different from the traditional one in nature. The third is that while many researchers suggest a decling trend of the role of the EC Commission in the European integration this writer stresses it is the Commission that is the most important actor in the decisionmaking of the common agricultural policy.
    Anyway, the decisive conclusion should be drawn by examining many other important issue-areas.
  • 非国家的行為体と国際関係
    中原 喜一郎
    1978 年 1978 巻 59 号 p. 134-159,L11
    発行日: 1978/08/30
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The European Parliament shall be elected for the first time by direct universal suffrage in June 1979. This is an epock-making advance of international parliamentarism in the context of an emerging European Union. We have already witnessed the formation of three internationals of a new kind: Confederation of the Socialist Parties of the European Community, Federation of Liberal and Democratic Parties of the European Community and European People's Party (Fédération des Partis Démocrates Chrétiens de la Communauté Européenne).
    This article seeks to outline the historical development of a political phenomenon in question, beginning with Saint-Simon's argument for European Parilament in 1814. The United States of Europe was a leitmotiv of Pacifist and Socialist movements throughout the 19th century. After th first World War, transnational movements sprang up for European unification. Coudenhove-Kalergi's Pan-Europa Union was the most active movement, enjoying support from leading state-men. Briand proposed a plan for European Federal Union within the framework of the League of Nations in 1930. This regional union should create a common market all over the European Community along with an organized political cooperation. The Briand Plan did not materialize.
    In 1944, delegates from nine countries held clandestine meetings at Geneva, and drafted a Declaration of the European Resistances. This document preconized a federal union among the European peoples for the sake of Peace. After the War, transnational movements sprang up anew for European Unity. In May 1948, a Congress of Europe was held at The Hague in a cold war climate of Devided Europe. It appealed to the effect that all democratic European nations must create a United Europe with a Charter of Human Rights and a European Assembly. The Congress of Europe, a non-governmental meeting, led to the creation of the Council of Europe by a diplomatic treaty. This consists of two organs: Committee of Ministers and Consultative Assembly. This was a compromise between Intergovernmentalism and Federalism towards European unification, which deceived federalists. Jean Monnet, French technocrat, conceived a pooling of coal and steel production under an independent High Authority. Endorsing his ideas, Robert Schuman made a historical declaration in May 1950. This paved a new way towards European federation: Supranationalism. With the success of the Schuman Plan, Constitutionalism faded away, a movement for the immediate establishment of European federation by a written constitution. On the other hand, Gaullists of France advocated Confederalism, to which adhered Coudenhove-Kalergi. The European Defense Community proved an abortion. The “Relance” gave birth to two communities with less supranationality: EEC and EURATOM. The European Communities of Six has progressed on a confederal line towards European Union, and received in 1973 three countries of Intergovernmentalism.
    Political parties exist on a national basis, and maintain transnational links. The former fact provides the cases where a same party finds itself critically devided on some concrete issue of European construction, an international problem. The latter fosters the formation of multinational political groups within European parliamentary assemblies. The European integration needs “European political parties” in the full meaning of the word. A first step has been made in view of the coming direct universal election of the European Parliament. As indicated above, three political formations have been set up just for this election, with a common platform. They are more than international associations of political parties, but, not yet the European political parties. The first European election takes place on a national basis, according to the respective procedures. The European Parli
  • 不平等、従属、分極、対称
    カポラーソ ゼームズ・A, 南 義清
    1978 年 1978 巻 59 号 p. 160-200,L12
    発行日: 1978/08/30
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    Although there is a large literature on regional integration, very little of it focuses on its external consequences. During the early years of the development of the European Economic Community (EEC) the attention of scholars focused on the internal problems and consequences of integration. This paper explores some of the external consequences of integration, particularly inequality, dependence, polarization, and symmetry. Since these terms have no generally accepted meaning, a substantial portion of the paper tries to develop these concepts and devise measurement expressions for them. A description of the European system is then provided in terms of these four variables, and an initial effort is made to provide an explanation for changes in the structure of the European system as a consequence of regional integration.
  • 大隈 宏
    1978 年 1978 巻 59 号 p. 201-205
    発行日: 1978/08/30
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 矢野 暢, 山影 進
    1978 年 1978 巻 59 号 p. 205-211
    発行日: 1978/08/30
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 宮里 政玄
    1978 年 1978 巻 59 号 p. 212-218
    発行日: 1978/08/30
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 大熊 忠之
    1978 年 1978 巻 59 号 p. 218-223
    発行日: 1978/08/30
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 馬場 伸也, 中原 喜一郎
    1978 年 1978 巻 59 号 p. 226
    発行日: 1978/08/30
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 馬場 伸也
    1978 年 1978 巻 59 号 p. i-x,L1
    発行日: 1978/08/30
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    Though Japan may be over-exporting goods, in the field of social sciences she has been highly in debt in the importation of Western theories. It is about time for Japanese researchers to try to construct their own theories.
    In the case of the study of transnational relations, some of the aspects which the Japanese researchers may be able to cultivate and in which they can still contribute to the Western academic world would be: 1) to select and if necessary to invent accurate Japanese terms; 2) in this context in addition to the terms “transnational” and “supranational”, to introduce Japanese term and concept “datsukokka” to the Western researches; 3) to conduct more empirical case studies; 4) to pay more attention to the historical perspective on transnational relations; 5) to add a behavioralist perspective—especially socio-psychological aspects in the formation of non-State actors and their conduct—to the structural-functionalism stressed by Western scholars.
    The studies on transnational relations now in vogue may only be in a transitory stage from international politics to kokusaishakai-gaku both in view of academic development and of actual historical development of the world. By kokusaishakai-gaku I mean sociology of the international society as a whole inclusive unit in which both nation-states and non-State actors are actively involved. Toward the construction of the sociology of international society, which should be our future task, I have improvised the following paradigm as a test case, based upon the conceptual schemes expounded by Parsons, Smelser, Shils, and Bellah. In this paradigm I have tried to introduce not only integrative and interdependent but also diffusive tendencies among non-State actors.
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