The concept “East and West, ” as a phrase used in modern international politics, is none other than one indicating both blocs of socialism and capitalism and the ideology which unifies each bloc. These two categories have been abstracted from the circumstances in international politics since World War II. However, the rapid changes in international relations (the changing structurs of the cold war) in the last few years mean that the concept of international politics cannot always be understood only through a bipolar concept of West and East. For instance, within one bloc there has been a question of polarization, as we have seen in the case of Sino-Soviet disputes.
In this paper the question of unification or polarization will be discussed as the question of a system or a nation. Why has such a phenomenon of polarization occured in the Eastern system of Marx-Leninism? This question will be pursued in this paper through analysis of the structure of thought, particularly the theory of state which is called Marx-Leninism.
If we trace the genealogy from the viewpoint of the history of thought, we can find that the concept of confrontation between East and West originated in Marx's concept of class confrontation. The reason is that Marx's concept of class confrontation has been shifted in power relationships of international politics through Lenin's state theory and has been significantly modified tactically.

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Imperialism here implies, as usual, capitalistic imperialism, but discussion on “modern imperialism” will be confined to the period after World War II. Concerning Imperialism, there have been classic masterpieces such as Hobson's, Hilferding's and Lenin's. We must theoretically develop these classics under modern conditions.
Lenin's “On Imperialism, ” which has deen given an historical evaluation from both scholastic and pragmatic viewpoints, analyzed only the economic foundation of imperialism, as Lenin himself recognized in this preface. We must clarify the nature and characteristics of imperialism not only from an economic viewpoint but from unified viewpoints; economic, political and military. In the nuclear age there is a tendency to overlook the class nature of imperialism due to the contraposition between nuclear weapons and human beings. But it is important for us to make clear the class nature of any power which uses nuclear weapons. We must not behave as foolishly as those in the Luddite movement which took place at the time of the industrial revolution, not because of a contradiction between British laborers and capitalists, but because of the, opposition by some of the laborers to labor-saving machines.
This paper carves in relief the nature of imperialism by means of a clarification of contradictions which imperialism itself contains and faces in the new stages of general crisis in imperialism. Furthermore, this paper tries to clarify the development theory of the modern world, which is confronted by contradictions and struggles.
The contradictions which modern imperialism itself contains are two; one is between monopoly capital and all the people, centering on laborers in a certain country; the other is the contradiction between imperialism and an oppressed race-a colonial area and a subordinate nation. The contradictions with which modern imperialism is faced are brought about by socialism and by the imperialism of other nations.
As well as a concrete analysis of such contradictions, this paper refers to a unified international front against imperialism.

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Peaceful Coexistence is a condition under which military power cannot be used due to the fact that it has become so massive, but under which an economical power and ideological struggle is carried on. Needless to say, it does not mean that military has no meaning at all. It is quite important that military power has been almost confined to that of a deterrent power and, as a result, the aspect of economic power as the background of military power has lost its importance, and economic power as power itself has gained a new function. However, this phenomenon changes the character of economic control. In other words, both exclusive and absolute characters, which were characteristics of economic control in the past have been weakened.
Nowadays an economic sphere could not be established unless it were an impartial economic order. The domestic basis of an economic power is the ability to organize the nation. The necessity of organizing a nation produced “the universal nationalism, ” and also was the motivation for building a present day welfare state when military power connot be used. In other words, for a nation to be strong in these days it must be a welfare state.
As a consequence of the increasing power of public opinion, a nation cannot exercise power politics when it neglects public opinion in seeking peace and disarmament. A peace movement has the meannig of power politics, but it is also a motivation to disarmament.
At present, power politics prevails everywhere. Consequently, power politics has penetrated into economic interchange, public opinion, and moral peace movements which were considered by past philisophers as concepts beyond power politics. On the contrary, however, power politics itself has been motivated to transcend the usual conception of power politics.

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There seem to be quite a few angles to the analysis of neutralism, and this article takes the one which is based on the relationship between neutralism and its external conditions. A neutral policy, as a general rule, has as its prerequisite the balance of power in international politics. It cannot be denied that a global equilibrium—established in both the East and West blocs—is a basic factor for neutralism at present.
However, “positive neutralism, ” which exists in many Afro-Asian states, represents not only a non-alignment meaning isolation or separation from both blocs but it also represents their efforts towards the relaxation of international tensions. Assuredly neutralism will be the foreign policy most suitable for the national interests of these states whose supreme proposition is both the maintenance of independence and the assurance of international cooperation to their economic development.
We must pay attention to the fact that the East-West relationship itself is increasing, at the present moment, the so-called smaller nations' right to speak.
The concept of neutralism by Afro-Asian states is very moralistic and it excludes, notions about either bloc. However, the feeling of anti-colonialism may act as a reversal force against non-alignment. It is to be expected, therefore, that maintenance of cooperation among Afro-Asian countries would be an important problem in accordance with establishment of “Russo-US order.”

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There are various arguments on the meaning of “Great Power” or “Small Power”. In general, these concepts seem to be made up of differences of power between nations. In the history of international politics there has been a clear distinction between groups of “Great Powers” and “Small States”. It seemed that only some “Great Powers” were entitled to be actors in international politics or only some “Great Powers” were participants in world politics.
This author traces historical changes in the relationships between “Great Powers” and “Small States” as a development of world economy and a development of science and' technology. The Enlightenmentists of the 18th century asserted that nations, small or large, should be equal and independent as individual human-beings were. And equality of state sovereignty has been recognized as one of the principles in modern international society.
However, in reality, history traces quite a different course. For instance, the Vienna Conference was a famous one which established discrimination between the Great powers and Small States. And furthermore, throughout the 19th century, five “Great Powers” strengthened their control in Europe. On the other hand, it was considered that small states should be interested only in lccal problems. As a result, small states such as the Balkan States were used as tools in the struggle between the great powers, and Scandinavian states themselves tried to escape into a sanctuary of “Small State Neutrality”. After WWI, the League of Nations, based on the principle of equality between Great Powers and Small States, was established. It was the first time that the basis for cooperation for international peace was established by both great powers and small states. However, it was doomed to failure when it was unable to take collective action against the aggression of Nazi Germany.
It was felt, after WW II, that the appearance of US and Sovìet as “superpowers” and the development of nuclear weapons would make small states powerless. But, on the contrary, while “super-powers” themselves were put in a nuclear stalemate, “Small States” have been gradually given the autonomous right to speak for international peace.

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The assistance towards less developed nations has played an important role in international politics as a central problem of “South and North” since the end of WW II. In the political environment of confrontations between East and West blocs, foreign aid, on the one hand, has been an aspect of foreign policy as carried on by advanced nations but, on the other hand and at the same time, it also has had another aspect, an idea by which economic differences between South and North should be diminished by economic development of less developed nations. This fact makes the character of assistance problems in international politics complicated one.
When we review the question of assistance towards less-developed nations from the viewpoint of foreign policy by advanced nations, the most difficult problem is a contradiction between the aims of the assistance policy and its results. One of these contradictions is brought about by confusion of various heterogeneous aims which were hidden under the name of assistance towards less developed nations. A more fundamental contradiction is the fact that the actual recipients of assistance for economic development, which aims at the demolition of domestic political and economic status quo, are a few control groups who are the greatest beneficiaries of the status quo.
On the other hand, when we review foreign aid from the viewpoint of economic development in less developed countries, the mode of assistance as a factor deciding its effect depends realistically on policy by developed nations, but there is a large alienation between the policy of the giving nation and the demands of receiving nations concerning objects, conditions and scals of assistance. Such alienation should be overcome, theoreticaly, by the assistance of an international organization. However, it is too soon to say that an international organization for assistance can practically take the place of the system of bilateral assistance.

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The United Nations was established at the end of World War II on the basis of the aspiration of the peoples for the world peace and the cooperation among the allied nations during the war. By that time, however, among the rulers of Britain and the U. S. the anti-soviet sentiment had appeared, which thereafter underlined the cold war policy of these nations.
From historical point of view, the practices of the United Nations may be devided into two periods; the first from 1945 to 1955, the second from 1956 to the present.
The significance of the United Nations in the international events or problems in which this organization was involved in the respective period, seems to be evaluated in three ways; positive, reluctant and negative.
The first period was characterized by the supremacy of the West in and out of the United Nations. In this period the United Nations fulfiled the positive role chiefly in the following fields, (1) promotion of peaceful settlement of international hostilities and disputes in maintaining harmony among the Big Five Powers, as seen in cases of Parestine and Indonesia questions, (2) awakening public opinions about the world peace or anti-colonialism by means of discussing problems concerning colonialism, inter-state conflicts or disarmament, (3) contribution to developing international intercources and fostering international cooperation. But the United Nations in the same period was reluctant in dealing with problems of colonialism and disarmament, was marked by the negative attitudes toward other problems such as admitting new members or terminating the Korean War.
The role of the United Nations entering into the second period changed remarkably. On the one hand, the positive aspects of the United Nations' activities greatly enlarged, on the other, the United Nations, especially since 1960, began to wrestle very actively with the problems of anti-colonialism and disarmament. Why these changes were caused? These changes seem to be explained by the fact that the balance of forces in the cold war has been developing favorably toward socialist and non-aligned countries, and the supremacy of the West has been disappeared as the result of entering of many Afro-Asian countries into the U. N. Now it seems to be possible for the U. N. to become a true center of international cooperation by fulfiling the more active role in the fields of disarmament and anti-colonialism and thus deterring the development of the cold war. And also this organization has been gaining the universal character with its members from all over the world. However, the U. N. confronts many tasks to be solved, among which most urgent are China's participation and reasonable reforms of the organization.

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In a framework of the general system theory to develop a model theory on international system, a fundamental question concerning the contemporary international system theory is unsolved. In that case, introduction of the electronic computer will inestimably broaden a new area hereafter to be developed. After being proposed, first of all, that the relationship between the general system theory and the international system theory will be discussed as a theme of infinite concurrence theory, this paper will explain the reason why it is necessary to establish a way of analysis on modern international system theory by the complex consisting of Culture System Model, Comparative Political Model, Decision Making Model and International Relations Theory Model. Generally speaking, in order to establish a position of international system theory within a general system theory, it must be considered in three directions: by the partial and gradual approach, by the establishment of the grand theory, and by the application of new technical methodology with an introduction of the electronic computor. In this paper the author asserts that these three directions should be closely interrelated to each other and, as a result, the question concerning the link between “isolated islands of theories” would be solved.
However, the central part of this paper, which is concerned with a general explanation of the following problems: information processing with an introduction of the electronic computor; content analysis on image about international problems; development of simulation research concerning international system, and an attempt to write international political history by the electronic computor, and it clearly indicates a direction toward establishing a general methodology combining these areas of mathematical international system theory. The view developed in this paper indicates that the development of such a direction will create a fundamental tool in order to establish an international system theory as a general system theory. This paper also expresses the conviction that it would be possible to develop an academic area, such as international system engineering, on the general theory. But it has not sufficiently explained the metamodel theory or semantic theory concerning international system.

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