The hot spring settlements in Japan had been generally characterized as Tojiba (medical treatment hot spring) supported by the farmers from neighboring districts until the close of the Meiji era. However, as a result of the revolution of traffic facilities after the Taisho era, the hot spring tourist market has increased in number every year and it's settlement has added recreational functions to it. Especially, owing to the connection with the metropolitan tourist market, the tourist industry has become large scale and various, and Tojiba has been changed it's quality into the hot spring resort settlement.
Thus, the hot spring resort settlement has been affected b y the development of general tourist traffic but at the same time, it has developed under the influence of regional conditions. Consequently, the economic function of the hot spring resort settlement shows the regional differences in each district today.
The writer attemped in this report the comparative study on the development and economic function of hot spring resort settlements at Ikaho and Kinugawa in northern Kanto.
Although Ikaho and Kinugawa are the same, in point of the scale of settlement and accessibility to Tokyo tourist market, the former is a traditional resort settlement and the latter is a newly-risen one in the Tokyo tourist region.
The results obtained are summerized as follows: (1) The Ikaho spa came into existence at the beginning of the Tokugawa era. Through the Tokugawa era, 14 Oyas (both landowner and proprietor of hot spring right) had monopolisticly controlled many Kadoyas (tenant or tradesman) at Ikaho village. However, 11 Oyas ruined at the first stage of the Meiji era, and the other capitals came in from the outside, but they were not active on their tourist industry. So, the local capitalists have taken the initiative on it.
Since the World War II, the local capitalists have carried a great weight with the hot spring management, especially, the Ikaho tourist association have promoted the development of tourist resorts such as hot spring boring, and the construction of skating rink or ropeway. (2) Contrary to the Ikaho spa, Kinugawa is a newly-risen hot spring resort settlement that developed rapidly at the beginning of the Showa era. At that time, Tobu Railway Company, one of the main traffic capital in Tokyo, completed the tourist traffic route which combined Tokyo tourist market with Nikko or Kinugawa, and moreover, invested much money advertising extensively for the Kinugawa spa.
Also a hot spring boring company in Tokyo attemped to complete it's boring and land exploitation, expanding the range of hot spring resort settlement.
After the World War II, Kinugawa have made remarkable progress, because the capita-lists in Tokyo invested actively for the tourist resort development.
(3) In the next place, the actual condition of tourist industrial activity was made clear to draw out the economic function of hot spring resort settlement.
Workers of tourist industry are about 2, 400 at Ikaho and about 3, 500 at Kinugawa, and the rate of hotel workers was indicated to be 65.2% at Ikaho and 74.8% at Kinugawa in 1963. On the scale of hotel, Ikaho has many medium and small enterprises but Kinugawa opposite phenomenon. Namely, the accomodation rate in medium and small hotel less than 200 guests shows 66.2% at Ikaho, but only 26.5% at Kinugawa.
Moreover, in the region of labor market, Ikaho depends on 47.6% and Kinugawa only 17.7% within 20 km zone. However, Ikaho depends on Tokyo labor market by 3, 5% and Kinugawa 12.2%.
(4) Investigating on the tourist market constituent in May during tourist season, both Ikaho and Kinugawa depends on Tokyo tourist market about 40%. On the other hand, Ikaho depends on the neighboring districts by 33.0% and Kinugawa only 14.9%. And the tourist market rate depending on Tokai and Kinki district is only 1.8% at Ikaho but 14.9 % at Kinugawa.

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This article attempts to clarify the general characters, structures and social significance of the subsidiary works carried on by the farmers in the principal sericultural regions of Japan, by examining their various patterns and percentages and investigating their major regional types. General conclusions reached are as follows.
Farmers in the highland areas are on the whole inclined to stick to sericulture associated with some side jobs carried on rather spontaneously for the purpose of obtaining cash or making use of their spare time. The extension and intensification of their side jobs, which have traditionally formed the essential part of their farming, can be found among almost all classes of farmers, instead of being limited to particular size categories. Consequently this tendency is not necessarily connected with the disintegration of farming population, the complete abondonment of agriculture, nor desertion of rural villages.
In the flat areas, on the other hand, the conspicuous development of industries has been turning over an increasing number of farmers into a sort of town workers, making their farming less intensive and causing a remarkable decrease in sericultural farmers. Such multiplication of farmers engaged simultaneously in other ocupations as a result of urbanization and industrialization of local communities, is driving many of the small farmers away from their farms and at the same time bringing forth some intensified and diversified farming led by full-time farmers as in sericulture, horticulture and diary, so that the polarization and disintegration of farmers are noticeably stimulated.
Generally speaking, in recent years more sericultural farmers in Japan have been increasingly engaged in subsidiary jobs, while full-time farmers engaged solely in agriculture have greatly decreased. This tendency, which seems to be accelerated in future, is closely related with the gradual increase in the relative importance of the highland areas for sericultural production, where spontaneous side works are more popular among the highland farmers than in the flat areas.

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I have analysed the climate of Ethiopia on the basis of daily weather records. Ethiopian seasons can be divided into 6 periods from the viewpoint of precipitation and daily maximum temperature. They are Dry Period I, Rain Period I, Dry Period II, Rain Period II, Dry Period III and Rain Period III.
Dry Period I (from the beginning of December^** to middle March) is the longest dry season, when dry east air comes from the Asian Continent, bringing the most pleasant sky to the Ethiopian Plateau. Cold fronts extended from the Mediterranean cyclones, which move from the Mediterranean to the Arabian Sea, bring rains but rarely.
Rain Period I (from middle March to middle May^**) is caused by the penetration of humid air from the Indian Ocean. This rain is usually referred to as “small rain” in the Ethiopian literature.
Dry Period II (from middle May^** to middle May _??_ end of June^***). The prevailing wind direction changes clockwise and now it is south. It does not bring sufficient moisture and causes a short but evident dry period.
Rain Period II (from middle May_??_ end of June^*** to middle September end October^***) This rain, which is often called “big rain”, is caused by the shifting of Northern Intertropical Convergence Zone (NITC). Therefore, it starts earlier and ends later in south. There are two types of rainfall in this period. Both at the beginning and at the end of this period, frontal rain falls continuously for several days, which is known to farmers as egngn bella (without stopping). Afternoon shower is the other type and recognized commonly. Normally sky is completely clear before noon, when this type prevails. Some old Ethiopian farmers know several dry days in the midst of this rain period (see the diagram of Jima, Fig. 1) and these are called derke hawaria (dry apostel). A small anticyclone at the foot of the Ethiopian Plateau is seen on the surface chart (Fig. 4), to which derke hawaria might be attributed. Dry Period III (from middle September _??_ end of October^*** to beginning of November^**). After the retreat of the Equatorial Westeries to the south wind blows from south and create dry weather, which is similar to Dry Period II.
Rain Period III (from beginning of November^** to beginning of December^**) is caused by the penetration of humid air again from the Indian Ocean. Since the counterclockwise change of prevailing wind direction is swifter, this rain period lasts shorter than Rain Period I, sometimes bringing no precipitation at all. The existance of this season has not been well recognized in the literature.
Not all stations of Ethiopia, however, have these 3 peaks of rainfalls. In the south, Rain Period II is longer, resulting in almost one peak. On the contrary, those stations on the leeside of the Plateau to the Equatorial Westeries have no main peak, but with two peaks.
The gradual shifting of the Equatorial Westeries is shown by the daily location maps of NITC (Fig. 2) and by the cross sections of wind (Fig. 3). Fig. 4 shows typical examples of the surface charts for each period.

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