This paper is concerened with the establishment and the change of the cloth industry in northern Saitama Prefecture. The cloth industry in the study area had developed since the middle of the Meiji era (l868_??_1912) and it has evolved to form a part of the central areas in the Kanto District. The study results are summarized as follows.
The establishment of the cloth industry in northern Saitama has been promoted by the development of the “tabi” (a kind of sock) industry in Gyoda since the Meiji era. The chief cloth materials for the “tabi” factories had been supplied by the neighboring towns of Hanyu and Kazo, where there had already been some development of cotton textile industry since the early period of the Meiji era.
Due to the successful development of the “tabi” business, expansion was first carried out in the Gyoda, but further demand in the middle Meiji era called for additional factories and the expansion gradually moved outward to include the neighboring towns of Hanyu and Kazo during Taisho (1912_??_1926) and the early period of Showa. In this early development period, Hanyu and Kazo served in two capacities, as supplier of the blue colored print used as the materials and the manufacturer of tabi itself.
Thus by 1940, the towns of Gyoda, Hanyu and Kazo formed the principal manufacturing region for tabi in northern Saitama.
Due to the formation of this manufacuring region, the towns of Hanyu and Kazo no longer supplied enough cloth materials in relation to demand. Thus, other supply areas were sought. As a result, the towns of Kawagoe in Saitam a Prefecture, and Hamamatsu and Iwata in Shizuoka Prefecture supplied the majority of the cloth materials, with only a small percentage coming from the original suppliers in Hanyu and Kazo.
Until recent years, the tabi markets had been distributed mostly in Northeastern districts of Japan, which had been exploited by traditional commission traders of this manufacturing region, especially from the town of Hanyu.
In the rapid development and growth of the Japanese economy which began in the early 1960's, it should be noted that the marketing structure has been drastically changed from this pioneer pattern. The marketing is now controlled to a great extent by large trading companies centered in Tokyo and by department stores and various types of supermarkets in Tokyo as well as other parts of Japan.
In surmation, the changes in the structure of the regional cloth industry were not originated in the industry itself, but were influenced by modern marketing trends in Japan.

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The purpose of this paper is to make an overview of the development of the Japanese urban system after the Second World War by means of comparing urban dimensions in 1950, 1960, and 1970.
The principal component analysis, which reduces a wide array of descriptive measures of objects to a series of fundamental factors, is used to extract urban dimensions. The cities for the 1950 analysis are 153 cities with the population of over 50, 000 in their administrative areas. The cities for the 1960 and 1970 analysis are all cities with the population of over 30, 000 in their DID's (Densely Inhabited District), 185 cities in 1960 and 242 cities in 1970 respectively. The input variables for each of the three time periods comprise five types of data: 1) populaton size and change, 2) population structure, and 3) social, 4) economic, and 5) locational characteristics. The numbers of the input variables for the three time periods are 34 variables in 1950, 50 variables in 1960, and 54 variables in 1970. And then, the tabulation of data for cities in the three time periods are based on the administrative areas of cities in 1970, in order to exclude the influence of the formal expansions of the administrative areas of cities.
As a result of the principal component analysis of the input data matrices for the three time periods, the writer extracted seven components in 1950 and eleven components in 1960 and in 1970, all of which had the eigenvalue of over unity. Major components (urban dimensions) in 1950, 1960, and 1970 are as follows:
Major components in 1950……the social status (eigenvalue; 11.1, percentage of the total variance explained; 32.5%), the rurality (5.8, 17.0%), the manufacturing (3.1, 8.8%), the urban size (1.0, 5.6%), the sex ratio (1.6, 4.6%), the transportation and communication (1.4, 4.1 %), the unnamed component (1.1, 3.4%) (Table. 1).
Urban components in 1960……the social status (11.5, 23.0%), the manufacturing (7.6, 15.2%), the centrality (5.9, 11.7%), the rurality (4.5, 9.1 %), the transporation and communication (2.5, 5.0%), the services (2.0, 3, 9%), the urban growth (1.8, 3.6%), the government (1.6, 3.1%), the urban size (1.3, 2.7%), the population density (1.1, 2.3%), the sex ratio (1.0, 2.0%) (Table. 2).
Major dimensions in 1970……the social status (14.0, 26.0%), the manufacturing (9.6, 17.8%), the transportation and communication (4.9, 9.0%), the urban size (3.9, 7.2%), the mining (2.4, 4.5%), the age structure (2.2, 4.0%), the goverment (2.0, 3.6%), the services (1.5, 2.8%), the sex ratio (1.5, 2.7%), the unnamed component (1.2, 2.2%), the unnamed component (1.1, 2.0%) (Table. 3).
From the comparison of the above components, the following points are recognized as the changes of the Japanese urban system after the Second world war.
1) The social status was always extracted as the first component in the three time periods, but the spatial distribution of the component scores has showed a remarkable contrast between cities located in the two largest Metropolitan Areas and cities outside them (Fig. 1). (The two largest Metropolitan Areas are the Keihin Metropolitan Area whose central cities are Tokyo, Yokohama, and Kawasaki, and the Keihanshin Metropolitan Area whose central cities are Osaka, Kyoto, and Kobe.) This result is interpreted as follows: the white-collar workers have been concentrated in the two largest Metropolitan Areas since 1950, especially after 1960. This interpretation is supported by the fact that the percentage of the white-collar workers in these areas to the nation has consistently risen since 1950 (Table. 4). As the concentration of the white-collar workers is nothing else but that of the management function, this result means that the management function has been concentrated in the two largest Metropolitan Areas after 1950, especially after 1960.

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Récemment, les fonctions de gestion des affaires des villes ont attiré beaucoup d'attention en geographie urbaine, et sons devenues un des objets d'etude frequent. Comme on 1'a souvent fait rernarquer, la raison en est que ces fonctions attirent le travail, les capitaux et la technique vers les villes et qu'elles sont considérées comme la raison majeure de la croissance urbaine ; de plus, elles sont aussi considérées comme point de haute valeur pour etudier la croissance des mégalopoles, les agglomérations urbaines dominantes sur de grander surfaces, et la structure interne de ces villes géantes.
Dans cette étude, je me propose de prendre comme but les principalesvilles japonaises de 1907 à 1975 et d'examiner le processus de 1'accumulation des fonctions de gestion des affaires économiques qui semblent les plus importantes Bans l'économie capitalists du Japon. Ces fonctions, de fawn concrète, sont examinees Bans les maisons-mères et leers filiales Bans les entreprises importantes à chaque époque.
J'ai prix comme objet d'études les années 1907, 1921, 1935, 1950, 1960, 1975, en particulier, en tenant compte du développement historique du Japon et de l'existence ou non des documents. J'ai examiné les fonctions de gestion des affaires économiques accumul ées dans les villes pour chaque année (Table. 1). Pour les années 1907, 1921, 1935, les grandes villes, Tokyo, Osaka, Nagoya, Kobe, et Yokohama se distinguent par leur accumulation extraordinaire de ces fonctions. Les villes comme centre régionaux en ce moment ont présenté une accumulation considérable particulièrement en 1935.
Après la deuxieme guerre mondiale, les entreprises dégagées de l'économie dirigée d'avant-guerre et du temps de guerre ont développé d'elles-m_??_mes un réseau d'information de vente et ant établi un système d'emprise comme espace de marché dans tout le Japon, et l'accroissement des accumulations des fonctions de gestion des affaires économiques dans toutes les villes est remarquable. En particulier à Tokyo qui était après guerre un endroit-clé de la démocratisation économique, de nombreuses firmes se sont assemblées plus encore qu'avant, et la ville a pris beaucoup plus d'importance qu'avant-guerre. De plus, après guerre, les accumulations soot devenues remarquables dans les villes comme centres régionaux ainsi que précité.
Lorsqu'on examine historiquement les catégories industrielles des fonctions de gestion des afaires économiques dans les villes principales a chaque époque, on s'apercoit que, dans la première période, les banques et les compagnies d'assurances étaient les plus nombreuses, et à la suite, les industries alimentaire, textile et sidérurgique. Mais avec les époques, les domaines d'industrie chimique et lourde comme la machinerie d'acier, la chimie et la caoutchouterie, ont augmenté. C'est le reflet du changement de la structure industrielle japonaise. Mais it n'en reste pas moms que les filiales des banques et des institutions de crédit continuent à occuper une place importante.

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