In Singapore, as is well-known, there are three main ethnic or community groups, Chinese, Malay and Indian. These groups have never had any profound communica-tion with one another. However, the recent spread of education in the common lan-guages, English and Mandarin Chinese, is expected to generate a gradual social change in the traditional isolated community within each ethnic group. In addition, the growing modern industries in Singapore can be a crucial moment to reform the situation mentio-ned above. In. this paper the author attempted to examine how the recent industrial development has influenced the attitude of these different groups. The field survey was focussed on the residents of the Jurong Industrial Estate, the largest urban industrial complex in the Republic of Singapore, and was carried out between 1969 and 1974.
The establishment of Jurong Industrial Estate is the nation's first attempt to provide a large scale industrial land with a big public housing estate for industrial workers attach-ed. This government plan resulted in mingling different ethnic people in the housing area. In comparison with other big public housing estates, Jurong has higher propor-tion of Malay population. According to the author's sample survey the racial segregation is rather diluted in the Jurong Estate, particularly in rental flats. A contributing factor for the higher ratio of Malay population in. the area was available cheap rental homes for the industrial workers provided by the government. Another factor was the resettlement of Malay kampong dwellers migrated from the nearby coastal areas which were acquired for the new industrial sites.
Most developing modern industries in Jurong are invested and managed by foreign entrepreneurs and they ignore the old ties within the individual ethnic groups by which traditional sectors have been maintained. The modern industries require primarily English speaking young workers, regardless of any specific community group. As a result, this new industrial town is not a place for aged or conservative people whose lan-guage competency in English is poor. Only a few enterprises from Hongkong and Taiwan prefer to employ mainly Chinese speaking people. Another factor in making a plural community in Jurong is the recent house shortage which is so urgent that new settlers have no chance to choose the same community people for their neighbors.
Thus, conservative Chinese in the crowded China towns seldom moved out to the new industrial estate, preserving their old ways of living and their own dialects. Kam-pong Malays in the eastern parts of the republic and downtown Indian shopmen or hawkers are also negative for moving to Jurong to get new jobs. Most residents of the Jurong In-dustrial Estate originated from the nearby areas on which industrial impacts were being intensified. More than 80 percent of the total households under the sample survey came from the local district and its adjacent areas. They are young enough to adapt them-selves to the new circumstances through which the future social change may occur.
It should not be overestimated, however, that the establishment of Jurong Industrial Estate can be a critical moment for a changing feature of racial segregation. Not all residents of the estate live and work harmoniously together, nor are they eager for having a new unsegregational community in the near future. With increase in wages quite a few residents in the public housing seem to wish moving out to better homes in the sub-urban residential quarters built by private developers. Such quarters are mostly occupied by wealthy Chinese. This trend suggests that there will be three different types of com-munity in Singapore: an old independent community of lower class, a more mixed racial community of urban-industrial complex and a re-segregational one of upper middle class.

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Kawaguchi City in Saitama-Ken, adjoining Tokyo to the north, forms a part of the KEIHIN Industrial District (Tokyo and Yokohama) . The feature of the industrial activity of Kawaguchi City is in its foundry industry which dates back to the early Edo period of the 17th Century.
It is the purpose of this report to clarify the regional structure of the foundry industry as an economic base of Kawaguchi City. In order to collect materials for this analysis, the writer called upon 303 foundry plants, or approximately 60% of the total number of foundry plants, and a total of about 50 machine and wooden pattern making plants in the city.
The summary of the findings are as follows:
1. The foundry plants in Kawaguchi City are highly concentrated in the southern part of the city, i. e. in the vicinity of the Kawaguchi Railway Station. In this area, the foundry plants are intermixed with the machine, wooden pattern making and metal plants, thus forming a fairly large industrial agglomeration. Beginning around 1960, this area has changed to be a dormitory of workers to Tokyo and its population has increased. But housing developments are not to be seen in this southern part which is the area of the in-dustrial agglomeration and, in fact, the population of this area has slightly declined.
2. The foundry plants acquire most of their materials within this southern part of the city. Most of the subcontracters are also concentrated in the same area. Also, within the area are found business firms dealing with various materials of the foundry industry, such as raw materials, wooden and metal patterns, and machines. They all have contributed in estalishing a large industrial agglomeration with the foundry industry as a major core. Most of the products are supplied to the machine plants located in Tokyo, Kawasaki, and Yokohama. In other words, Kawaguchi City plays an important role as a sub-center of the larger belt of Tokyo-Yokohama machine industry.
3. The majority of the proprietors of the foundry plants are those who were born in this area. Most of them had succeeded to their fathers' occupation. Others used to be former workers of foundry plants, but have become independent. Workers are practically all male. Wages were paid daily or on quota basis. Both proprietors and workers live near their working sites. Many of their families have been employed in other occupations within the same city. This regional agglomeration of the industry in the southern part of Kawaguchi City can be considred as an industrial community containing both places of work and residence within itself. This community differs from that of the northern part of Kawaguchi City where farmland has been converted into housing area, and that of the middle zone of the city where factories and residences have been dispersed irregularly.

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The northern coast of Amakusa Islands, situated in the southwest of the “Nagasaki Dreiecke” named by F. v. Richthofen, preserves terrace topography relatively well. The writer tried to clarify the geomorphic history of the area in relation to the formation of Pa-leo-Ariake Bay.
Terrace surfaces in the area are classified into six levels, namely H₁, H₂, M₁, M₂, Ap and L surfaces in descending order.
1) H₁ Surface
The H₁ surface 80 to 108m in height is erosional into Paleogene system and lower Pleisto-cene Saitsu Formation. The surface is thought to have been formed after the deposition of Saitsu Formation.
2) H₂ Surface
The H₂ surface is widely distributed at 40 to 78m in elevation in the study area, which is erosional into both Paleogene system and Saitsu Formation.
3) M₁ Surface
The M₁ surface is most widely distributed and very well continued. It is marine in origin, i. e., mostly the former wave-cut platform cutting into Paleogene system and Saitsu Formation. At the Shigi Trough located in the northwest of the study area, the M₁ surface is depositional of thick Kama Formation, mainly consisted of the alternation of silt and subangular pebble of black shale. At Shirakio, in the center of Shigi Trough, Kama For-mation consists of silt and silty sand containing marine mollusca and sand pipes. The former shoreline of the M₁ surface is 25 to 35 m in altitude. The M₁ surface is considered to have been formed during the last major interglacial stage of Pleistocene period. Paleo-Ariake Bay was formed during this interglacial stage.
4) M₂ Surface
Since the formation of M₁ surface, the sea-level began lowering. The M₂ surface 8 to 20m in height was formed during the earlier period of this regression.
5) Ap Surface
The Ap surface was made up of Aso pyroclastic flow deposit. Its age is estimated 33, 000 +3, 000 -2000 years BP by the radiocarbon dating. The distribution of this surface is restricted to the area of Saitsu Formation.
6) L Surface
The L surface is the lowest terrace of the area and it was formed during the maximum of the last glacial stage. The surface is submerged by alluvium at the coast and it continues to the submarine flat plane 10 to 20m in depth.
Saitsu Formation, the lower part of Kuchinotsu Group, is correlated to Takio Formation, the lower part of Oita Group. In the early Pleistocene period, Oita and Kuchinotsu sedi-mentary basins about 150km apart east to west with each other, both of which are fault angle depressions bordered by the Oita-Kumamoto Tectonic Line at the south, represent the final main activity of the Tectonic Line with the axis of E-W trend called Southwest Japan Arc direction. After the M₁ surface was formed, the crustal movement with E-W trend was active again in the western part of Amakusa Kami Shima (Island). The dis-location of a dissected fan correlated to the M₁ surface was resulted from the above crustal movement.
Another crustal movement with NE-SW trend called Ryukyu Arc direction may have been active in the Shigi Trough during or after the M₁ surface was formed.

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