The author investigated topography and geology in western and southern margins of the Kofu Basin, in order to consider a characteristic of active faults through late Quaternary in these areas, on the basis of deformed landforms.
The Kofu Basin, about 20km accross, is one of the tectonic basins in Central Japan, and consists of a flight of dissected fans in the area less than 500 m high (Fig. 1).
In the western (Ichinose Upland) and the southern (Bone Hill) margins of the basin, dissected fans are well developed and classified into several steps. As a time marker tephra for the classification of terraces, Pm-I, one of widely distributed pumice layer (ca. 80, 000 y. B. P., Machida and Suzuki, 1971) which was erupted from Ontake Volcano, and Nirasaki mud flow deposits (ca. 300, 000y. B. P.) which were erupted from Yatsugatake Volcano, were used (Table 1). In the Ichinose Upland, geomorphic surfaces are classified into five levels, Higher terraces, Ia, Ib, II and III surfaces in descending order (Fig. 3). In the Sone Hill, they are classified into six levels (Ia, Ib, II, IIIa, IIIb and IV surfaces in descending order) as shown in Fig. 5. Table 1 shows correlation of terraces in both areas.
Many active faults which displace these geomorphic surfaces are observed in the Kofu Basin, especially in the both areas of the Ichinose Upland and Sone Hill (Figs. 1, 3 and 5). Active faults of the Kofu Basin are dip slip faults without strike slip component. Most of them are distributed in margins of the Upland and the Hill. Detailed features of deformed surfaces and terrace deposits are illustrated in the maps and cross sections (Figs. 6-13). All the active faults are expressed as fault scarps, scarplets and flexure scarps, and most of them are estimated to be reverse faults or thrust faults. Warped terrace surfaces and reverse tilting towards mountain area are the typical types of deformed landforms in these areas.
Rate of faulting of active faults in these areas are listed in Table 2. Since older terraces are usually much more deformed than the younger ones, progressive faulting in the late Quaternary is indicated. Average rate of vertical displacement is calculated to be 0.3_??_1.4m/1, 000 yrs. for the Ichinose Upland and less than 0.6m/1, 000 yrs. for the Sone Hill.
It is interesting to note that major active faults are located at the outer margins of terraces far away from the piedmont lines themselves, both in the Ichinose Upland and Sone Hill, although some fault scarplets can be observed along the piedmont in the Ichinose Upland. Due to such arrangement of the active faults, the oldest terraces with reverse tilting are located immediately adjacent to the modern alluvial fans, and their apex area are often covered with the younger terraces. Above-mentioned characteristics of fault topographies may be explained by “a bending model of fault plane” (Ikeda and Yonekura, 1979) (Fig. 14). In the Sone Hill, this model can be applied (Fig. 15-C). But, in the Ichinose Upland, another models are devised because active faults in piedmont area were not inactive (Figs. 15-A, B).

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In general, the shikki (lacquer ware) industry which has three stages of production processes, kiji (body making), kyushitsu (lacquer coating), and kashoku (decoration), is regarded as a putting-out system. Kiji, the first stage, includes mainly hikimono (woodlathing) or itamono (joinery work). Kyushitsu, the second stage, plays an important role in shikki production, and in some cases it has as many as 33 steps of work. It consists of shitaji, in which the vessel body is modified and subjected to durability, and uwanuri, in which the vessel is coated with urushi (lacquer). Kashoku, the last stage, consists of makie (gold lacquer) and so on. And these three stages are clearly divided according to their work, and the works are conducted on a basis of skilled handicraft techniques except for a part of hikimonokiji requiring electric power.
The principal methods of this industry had been inherited for many years in Japan. Since the latter part of the Meiji Era (in the early 20th century), it was able to exist primarily depending on Chinese urushi. After World War II, at the time of rapid economic growth, however, daiyourushi (Cashew paint, Amino alkyd resin paint, etc.) has come to play a main role in this field with the stoppage of Chinese urushi import since the period of 1959_??_1960.
This daiyo-urushi made possible the large scale production by spray gun method, thus leading to the decline of the traditional handicraft techniques. This paper deals with the above changes, especially on shikki production techniques. The reason for paying special attention to the change of productive techniques is based on the following fact: some pro duction areas which have complicated techniques are considered to be difficult to change because production using machine is not feasible there, whereas other production areas which have simplified techniques are considered rather easily changed because they are aiming at increasing production there. From this point of view, the author intends to study comparatively on the changes of productive techniques in the shikki industry in main pro duction areas, particularly focusing on the situation of two cities of contrast, namely, Kainan in Wakayama Prefecture and Aizuwakamatsu in Fukushima Prefecture and its surrounding area. Besides the relevant materials collected from literature, fact-finding studies in both areas have been made on each production process in the 1976_??_1977.
The main production areas in 1965 are grouped as follows according to the ratio of used urushi to daiyo-urushi:
Group A: Two areas chiefly using traditional urushi, including Wajima City.
Group B: Five areas using both urushi and daiyo-urushi, including Kainan City and Aizuwakamatsu City and its surrounding area.
Group C: Two areas chiefly using daiyo-urushi, including Shizuoka City
The work using urushi can be called the shikki industry, but the one handling daiyo-urushi should be identified as the nurimono (vessel replacing shikki) industry. Therefore, Group A is the area of shikki production, whereas Group C ought to be called the area of nurimono production. According to the survey of these areas from the viewpoint of technically important shitaji method (here three methods are chiefly employed, such as urushi-shitaji required the greatest number of processes, a little more simplified shibu-shitaji, and the most simplified nikawa-shitaji) on kyushitsu process, the areas mainly adopting simplified shitaji method have been easily changed from traditional shikki production to nurimono production. Most of these areas are located in or close to modern industrial areas.

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Many castle towns of Japan were constructed as political, economic and military centers of feudal territories under city plannings in the late 16th and the early 17th centuries. Samurai districts, merchant districts, temples and shrines were allocated around the castle. The samurai quarter which occupied extensive area formed an important part of the castle town. The samurai was a soldier, but sometimes he was engaged in governmental administration. In a sense, the castle served as an administrative institution. According to the previous studies, it is known that the residential pattern of samurai showed concentric tonal pattern. However, the most of those studies lack in dynamic analysis on the residential pattern of samurai. The author intended to analyze the characteristics of the residential pattern of samurai through the expansion of built-up areas of Sendai castle town.
In the Edo period, Sendai was the capital of the feudal territories ruled by the feudal lord of Date who was one of the most influential Daimyo (feudal lord) in Japan, and ruled a part of the Tohoku District. The population of Sendai in the late 17th century was about 60, 000.
Several maps presenting the locations and quarters of the samurai residences in the 17th century are available. Each map includes personal names of each samurai family. Comparison of those maps makes it possible to disclose residential moves of samurai.
The residential pattern of samurai in the mid-17th century can be explained by the concentric zone around the castle, the landform and the period of expansion. Allocation of
samurai disticts reveals that in each period the samurai districts were newly built without changing old buit-up areas. At the time when the castle town was newly constructed, the residential pattern had coincided with that of samurai districts. Afterward the residential pattern was influenced by the residential mobility of samurai. This was remarkable in the 17th century when the built-up areas of Sendai expanded. In addition, direct and indirect moves occurred because of the change in status of samurai.
The expansion of samurai quarter was caused primarily by the growth of the agricultural production. And the number of samurai family increased because of setting up its branch families and of employment of the new samurai. The expansion of samurai quarters was not always caused by the increase in number of samurai families in the case of Sendai, for some of the higher-class samurai lived in their own territories. In the 17th century, the number of samurai continued to increase, but the samurai's houses were built intentionally but discontinuously. In consequence, the shortage of residential houses of samurai occurred just before the expansion of the built-up areas.
The mobility of the lower-class samurai was high. It was remarkable in the expansion period. Particularly, high mobility was recognized in the central district near the castle. There, the in-moves of samurai due to the promotion in his status and the out-moves without change in the status were observed.

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