Das Vorgebirge zwischen Köln and Bonn (Fig. 1), eines der größten Gemüseanbaugebiete in Deutschland, hat seit zwei Jahrzehnten (Tabelle 1 and 2) durch die Entwicklung der Bundeshauptstadt Bonn and die Einflusse der EWG einen groBen Wandel durchgemacht. Der Autor hat die Ortschaft Gielsdorf, Gemeinde Alfter als Beispiel ausgewählt and im Jahr 1973 Bodennutzung (Fig. 4), Grundbesitz (Fig. 3), Agrarstruktur (Tabelle 1_??_7), Verkaufs-methode and Organisation analytisch untersucht.
Das Ziel der Untersuchung ist die Erforschung der Gründe des Gemüseanbaues in Nähe des Stadtgebiets so wie seiner Entstehungs- und Veranderungsprozesse. Vom Mittelalter bis Anfang des 19. Jarhunderts betrieb man Rebbau am Hang des Vorgebierges. Der letzte Weinberg in Gielsdorf wurde im Jahre 1912 gerodet. Wegen der Klimaverschlech-lechterung, Rebkrankheiten, Erscheinung anderen Trinksorten usw., war der Weinbau seit Anfang des 19. Jahrhunderts, d. h. seit der französischen Besetzung, rückläufig. Als Nachfolgekulturen traten Obst- und Gemüsebau hervor. Die Hauptursache für den Rückganges des Weinbaues bestand in den besseren Verdienstmöglichkeiten durch Gemü-sebau. Mit dem Wachstum der Bevölkerung erlebten die Gebiete nahe der Stadt einen Funktionswandel von agrarisch genutzter Fläche zu Wohnland. Eine Verlagerung der Gemüsefelder vom Stadtrand zum Vorgebirge hat stattgefunden. Gleichzeitig ist der Gem-usebedarf mit dem Bevölkerungswachstum gestiegen. Damals war der Schnelltransport von Frischgemüse aus entfernten Anbaugebieten in die städtischen Verbrauchermärket nosh nicht möglich.
1920 wurde in Alfter die Bezugs- und Absatzgenossenschaft “Vorgebirge” e. G. m. b. H. Roisdorf gegründet. Die Obst and Gemüseerzeugnisse wurden bis zur Gründung der Genossenschaft vorwiegend zu den Märkten Köln and Bonn gebracht and dort überwieg-end durch die Frauen der Bauern zum Kauf angeboten, während emn weiterer Teil dieser Erzeugnisse einem ansässigen Markthandel zum Verkauf in Kommission gegeben wurde. Heute werden ca. 70% der Obst und Gemüsemengenumsätze, die in den Erzeugergroßm-arkten Bonn and Roisdorf versteigert werden, mit LKW in das Ruhrgebiet transportiert.
Die durchschnittliche Betriebsflache der 46 Gielsdorfer Betriebe liegt bei 1.55 ha (Tab-elle 3). Es sind meist Kleinst- und Kleinbetriebe, kaum größer als der japanische Durchschnittsbetrieb (1.09 ha). Die Betriebsinhaber leben nicht von der gewöhnlichen Landwirtschaft, sondern ausschlieBlich von einem intensiven Obst- und Gemüseanbau. Die Entstehungsursache der Kleinst- und Klein-Parzellierung and der hohe Pachtlandan-teil innerhalb der Betriebsfläche (Tabelle 3) liegt in der Realteilung. Abnahme der landwirtschaftliche Betrieb and der Betriebsfläche (Tabelle 2 and 4) and Zunahme der Wohnbevolkerung, sowie der Brachfläche (Fig. 4 b) rind auch im Umkreis der japani-schen Städte typisch. Aber “urban sprawl”, d. h. nicht geplannte Erweiterung des Wohngebietes in das Ackerlande hinein ist ziemlich selten am Vorgebirge. Wegen der außerordentlich hohen Bodenpreise in Japan rind eine so extensive Landnutungsart wie Ponyweide, Bowie Pachtland-Gemüseanbaubetriebe von Gielsdorf in Nähe japanischer Städte fast undenkbar.

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Since the Meiji restoration, Japanese manufacturing has developed remarkably, not only in large cities but also in local towns and villages, and some of the manufacturing activities have been diffused from large cities into local towns and villages. This paper intends to clarify the relationships between the distribution pattern and the regional char-acters of these industries in reference to the case of spectacles frame industry.
The spectacles frame industry in Japan has been susceptible to popular fashion in large cities. Therefore, it always produces many kinds of spectacles frames overtasking for the creation of newer goods based on fashionable informations. Accordingly, the total amount of the production of each kind of spectacles frame are not large in number. This is the basic condition of agglomerating the spectacles frame industry in the two large cities of Tokyo and Osaka, at the early stage of its developments, where it could get a great steady demand. Put now, eighty percent of spectacles frames are produced in Sabae city, a local town of Pukui Prefecture along the coast of Japan Sea.
A small land owner, Masunaga, introduced this industry into a small moutainous vil-lage of Shono on the northeastern fringe of Sabae city in 1905, when spectacles frames were prevailing in local towns. The introduction of this industry was carried out through the new information brought by his brother who was working in Osaka, the central area pro-ducing cheaper spectacles frames. The village of Shono was seeking for a new local in-dustry at that time. Therefore, we could discern that it was the regional character that introduced this industry into this village on the first stage (Meiji Era). In Sabae, it was diffused first into the eastern villages, especially Shihodani near Shono and Kawada, the native place of his mother, where he could recruit his workers. These villages had very similar regional characters to those of Shono. This diffusion was spurred on by his mas-ter's independence and the business cycles in the 1910's as well as his own apprentice sys-tems. At the later part of this second stage, Taisho Era, the secondary diffusion of this industry was going on excluding an old Japanese lacquer industrial area of Kawada dis-tract.
This pattern of diffusion changed drastically on the third stage, Showa I (1926_??_1944), when machinery and electric power came to be in general use and celluloide glass frames became popular. Most of the new plants were opened in the new town and constructed after the establishment of the 36th regiment stationed between the prefectural capital of Fukui and the old castle town of Sabae. Such a change was caused by the following reasons. The first is that the world-wide depression diminished the productions in the two large cities and developed the local production in Sabae where the cheaper skilled labour supply was available. In this way the spectacles frame wholesalers opened their offices due to this development in the new town which had good accessibility to transport system and was located near the old producing area. The second is that the new machine system freed most of the industry from the fetters of the old system relied on the hadicraftsmen. Hence they could easily established their plants in the new town, where they could get daily working capitals smoothly. This explains that the character of the new town contributed to the agglomeration of this industry.
Since the end of world war II, the agglomeration of this industry has continued, but of course there have been some regional changes. On the fourth stage, Showa II (1945_??_1950), plants making spectacles frame were newly established in Ishida, an agricultural village near the new town and in the old castle town of Sabae. Such an expansion was realized, sharing with the old local industries and depending on the wholesalers and material sellers in these towns.

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In the Chugoku Mountains, Southwest Honshu, there are many incised meanders, but few free meanders. The purpose of this paper is to inquire into the distribution and the origin of incised meanders in the Chugoku Mountains, and to consider the relationship between their wave-lengths and drainage areas and also their relation to rock properties.
As is shown in Fig. 1, the distribution of the incised meanders in the Chugoku Mountains coincides with the distribution of planation surfaces which are presented as “gentle slopes” in the 1:500, 000 geomorphological map (Economic Planning Agency, 1968). A half of all the incised meanders cuts into the Kibi Plateau Surface, and they are concentrated in the areas of the Kibi and Iwami Plateaus. While one third of all the meanders cut conse-quently the boundary slope between the Kibi and the Backbone Ridge Surface. The in-cised meanders which cut into the erosion surfaces are either entrenched meanders and ingrown intrenched meanders. They may be inherited from free meanders. The incised meanders that develop on the boundary between erosion surfaces are of the type of ingrown meanders, and have no erosion surface that might have produced free meanders, because they can develop during an initial cycle of erosion.
In comparison with incised meanders in Paleozoic rocks, those in granitic rocks are greater in the width of the meander belt and of the valley. According to the histogram of sinuosity of incised meanders (Fig. 5), incised meanders in granitic rocks have greater sinuosity and variance, the mean sinuosity being 2.10 and the variance 0.75, than those in Paleozoic rocks, of which the corresponding values are 1.96 and 0.59 respectively.
Many incised meanders in granitic rocks are structurally controlled by joints (Fig. 4), and have an irregular and zigzag pattern of stream courses. On the contrary, those in Paleozoic rocks generally form regular and smooth curve. Although geologic structure and lithology affect the shape and scale of the incised meanders, the incised meanders in the Chugoku Mountains develop in all sorts of bedrocks, and have no preference to particular rocks.
Figure 6 shows the relation between the wave-length and the drainage area for the incised and free meanders in the Chugoku Mountains as well as for those in Europe and North America. According to this, there is no substantial difference between the relations for the Chugoku Mountains and for. Europe and North America. However, the. streams in the Chugoku Mountains have not manifestly underfitted due to climatic change, as in the case of Europe and North America. From the above mentioned relations, the former drainage area before stream capture can be estimated for three rivers, as shown in Fig. 6.

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