Purpose: Corresponding to stimuli in the outer and inner parts of the body, a special field is formed in which the processes of the excitement and their traces will have mutual influences. To inquire into the peculiarities of this functional, dynamical and psychophysical field, I wanted to study experimentally the nature of processes and their temporal and spatial reciprocity by means of the contoureffect phenomenon of first stimulus upon successive visual experiences. We have already studies on contour by K. Takagi (Jap.J. Psychol, 2, 1927), H. Werner (Amer. J. Psychol, 47, 1936) and T. Shibata (Jap. J. Psychol, 11, 1936) and we know to some extents the nature and the structure of dynamical reciprocity of physiological processes formed in the psychophysical field. Now I made an attempt in qualitative and quantitative experiments as to the relation of figure and ground and the process distributions of organization.
Experimental apparatus and procedure: Chiwa's successive tachistoscope (Jap. J. Psychol, 1, 1926) was used. In quantitative studies when two stimuli were exposed successively, their exposition-time being constant, I measured the critical intervaltime at which the first figure disappeared and only the second figure, the contour, was perceived.
Observers were students and graduates in Psychol. Institute of the Tokyo Imperial University.
Results and conclusion:
(A) The relation of exposition-time and interval-time as stimulus condition.
1. When the exposition-time of the first stimulus is equal to that of the second (Exp. 2), the longer the exposition-time the shorter the critical intervaltime becomes.
2. In this case, the total time (g) shows an approximately equal value no matter whether the two equal exposition-times are long or short.
3. When the second exposition-time is longer than that of the first, the critical interval-time is long, and in the contrary case, it is short. (Exp. 4)
(B) On the circular contour-figure.
1. The phenomenon of the disappearance of the first stimulus figure can be explained as follows processes of organization of disk (first stimulus) in the psycho-physical FIeld are utilized, as Werner remarks, for making the processes of organization of its contour-figure, (ring...second stimulus).
2. We can demonstrate this hypothesis by the following two facts. The first stimulus does not disappear in the case that the diameter of the disk is smaller than the inner diameter of the ring , which can be understood on the ground that the energy of segregation at the edge of the disk is too strong for its own pro-cesses of formation to be utilized by the processes of the ring . And when these stimuli are presented with a interval-time longer than the critical one the disk is black at the centre, and according to the increase of the distance from the centre, it grows dimmer and at last it becomes white in the proximity of the ring. (Exp. 6, 7)
3. In the case that the diameter of the disk is larger than the inner diameter of the ring (30mm), the disk generally disappears. By this fact we can be convinced of the absorption in the organization of the ring . In this condition the cirtical interval-time becomes longer to a certain limit (diameter of the disk 48 mm) as the diameter of the disk increases . (Exp. 7)
4. In the same way even when the figure of disk and ring is, white on black ground, the first disk disappears, just as Werner observes. Thus we can recognize the fact of transposability of contour-effect. (Exp. 10, 11)
5. In the condition that the diameter of the disk is equal to the inner dia. of the ring and the ratio of inner dia . to outer dia. of the ring is kept constant , the larger the stimulus figure the shorter the critical interval-time becomes.

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Problem: It is the purpose of this study to analyse play-situations from the point of view of the substitute action.
Experiments: At first, I experimented in the situation of playing with a doll. During the play, when the subject (5;0-6;5, girls) fed the doll with chocolate (original thing), I gave her a piece of cardboard (substitute), in order to observe whether the subjects accepted the cardboard or not as the substitute of the chocolate.
The results were that the cardboard was accepted almost 100% as chocolate. According to this result, this play-situation seems to be so free that anything in it is easily substituted. But it is a question whether in all play-situations the substitutions are so free or not as in the situation of playing with a doll.
Accordingly, I attempted the next experiment in the situation of throwing a ball. In this experiment, the gum orange, newspaper etc. (substitutes) were anyhow accepted as the substitutes of the ball (original thing). However, in the situation of the competitive throwing of a ball, those substitutes were refused to be taken in 40% of cases.
From the results of these experiments, it seems to me that the play-situations are not always so free with regard to substitution as in the situation of the playing with a doll. Then what are the distinctive characteristics of these two cases? In one case, for instance in the situation of the competitive throwing of a ball, the aim is definitely settled then the substitution is difficult. But in the other, for instance in the situation of playing with a doll or throwing of a ball, the aims are so ambiguous that the substitutes are easily accepted.
In order to test this assumption, I experimented in the situation of playing with a toy-car. If the assumption be true, it is expected that in the situation in which the car runs on the rails, the aim is settled more definitely than in the free situation without rails, and accordingly the substitution should be more difficult in the former than in the latter. The results showed that in the situation with rails the substituted cases were only 18% of all cases, while in the situation without rails they were 63%.
Summary: 1) As far as seen from the point of view of the substitute action, it seems that the play-situations in which the aims are definitely settled are functionally distinguished from the play-situations in which the aims are ambiguous.
2) In the situations in which the aims are ambiguous, the substitution is influenced by the degree of the development of the situations and intelligence, and the qualities of substitutes.
3) In the situations in which the aims are definite, the substitution is influenced by the degree of the development of the situations and the consciousness on the meanings of the plays.

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I) Problem:
(1) Unter welchen konkreten Bedingungen stellt sich die Verlagerung am häufigsten dar?
(2) Was für Typen oder Prinzipien hat die Verlagerung?
(3) Warum geschieht die Veriagerung uberhaupt?
II) Versuchsanordnung:
Man experimentierte mit dem Nachzeichnen an den Kleinen im Kindergarten, in der Kinderbewahranstalt und in der Elementarschule, vereinzelt und gruppenweise. Die auf Probe Gestellten bestanden aus 141 Knaben und 137 Mädchen im Alter von 4-11 Jahren. Die Vorlagen, d. h. die 10 Flächenfiguren waren je eine auf einem blatt 15:19 cm großen Papiers abgebildet (einzeln zu versuchen) und auf einem blatt 55:80 cm großen Papiers (gruppenweise zu versuchen). Siehe Abb. 1, 2, 4, 7, 8, 9 (Burkhardt) und Abb. 3, 5, 6, 10 (Kobayashi). Jede.Vorlage wurde eine nach der anderen den Kindern zum. Nachzeichnen dauernd vorgezeigt. Als man gruppenweise versuchen wollte, waren die groBer gezeichneten Vorlagen an die Wandtafel geklebt. Und ich, Versuchsleiterin, wiederholte jedesmal: “Hier ist eure Vorlage; diese müßt ihr ganz genau abzeichnen.”
III) Ergebnisse:
Von all diesen 2780 Nachzeichnungen waren 1391 d. h. fast 50 prozënt mehr oder weniger verlagert. Aus dieser Tatsache kann ich auf folgende Ergebnisse schließen.
a) Die Verlagerungen ergeben sich gewöhnlich mehr, je sinnarmer, komplexsinniger und unstabiler die Strukturen der Vorlagen sind.b) Je undifferenzierter die mit dem Alter, der Intelligenz oder der Emotionalität u. s. w. unvertrennbar verbundene Seelenstruktur desZeichners ist,um so verschiedener zeigen sich die Verlagerungen seiner Zeichnungen. Im allgemeinen kann von demjenigen, dessen Seele noch nicht ganz differenziert ist, irgend eineGestalt im Raum, auch wenn sie eine gegliederte Ganzheit ist, nicht, wie sie ist,aufgefaßt werden. Daher kommt, daß, wo die objektiven Reizkonstellationen der Vorlagen nicht passend genug sind, um die Nachzeichnung bestimmen zu können, notwendig die Prinzipien der Verlagerung ihre Herrschaft geltend machen.
c) Anders als der Erwachsene nimmt das Kind jedenfalls die Haltung, der ihm gegebenen Vorlage gemäß nicht zeichnen zu wollen und diese seine Haltung, in der sein Charakter, égo centrique, sich verrät, kann die Häufigkeit der Verlagerung natürlich vermehren.
d) Auf Grunde aller Verlagerungserscheinungen von meinen Versuch aus könnte man die etwa 16 phanotypischen Typen oder genotypischen Prinzipien derselben herausfinden: Kritzeln, Ausdruck der wenig gegliederten Ganzlieit, Zergliederung, Reihung, Symmetrisierung, Parallelisierung, Horizontalierung, Vertikalisierung, Rechtwinkligkeit, Betonung, Vereinfachung, Ergänzung, Stabilierung, Spiegelumg, Auf-den-Kopf-Stellen, und Umkippung-.
Faßt man diese Prinzipien zusammen, so dürfte gesagt werden, daß bei den Kinde rn die Verlagerung von der Nachzeichnung im wesentlichen zum Vorschein komme, nach den Gestaltungsprinzipien der Tendenz zur Stabilität, Gleichgewichtigkeit und Prägnanz.
e) Hier zum Schluß kann ich nicht unerwähnt lassen, daß die Verlagerung nicht nut in der Nachzeichnung der Kinder sich ereignet. Zuerst ist uns bekannt, daß die Nachzeichnung unter der wenig gegliederten Mentalität, wie es bei der des Schwachsinnigen. oder des Primitiven der Fall ist, sowohl bei Erwachsenen als auch bei Kindern ihre verschiedene Verlagerung zur Folge hat.
Wenn man nach denjenigen Vorlagen, welche ich bel Versuchen benutzt habe, zeichnen soll, und zwar in besonderen Situationen, wo die Reizkonstellationen auf den Vorlagen einem nicht ganz klar sind, z. B. wie beim tachistoskopischen Vorzeige n der Figuren, oder im Zustande der Sättigung oder Trunkenheit, so wurde der Zeichner selbst als ein normaler Erwachsener nichts anderes tun können, als seine Zeichnung verlagern.

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Whereas studies on infant art drawings up to present seem to have been almost confined to the observations on portrait drawings, we have chosen pictures of railway trains and locomotives drawn freely by a number of children, because a very strong tendency of children, when drawing such moving objects as automobiles, trains and the like, to direct them left ward, attracted our attention. It has been our effort to bring together as many data as possible for interpreting the phenomenon, and, if possible, solving the problem, psychologically. There must, of course, be a large number of factors to be considered concerning the matter. But, we have taken up, to start with, the question of the influences by left-handedness and right-handedness and age and sex differences, as well as certain local conditions.
Between October 1935 and March 1936, we could collect 1513 drawings from certain primary schools and kindergartens in Taihoku, Formosa, and the Nanbu Primary School in Yonezawa, Yamagata Prefecture. These were treated statistically. Of these drawings only 4 were clearly described to have been done by left-handed children.
Table I shows the number and ratio of leftwardly directed and rightwardly directed pictures. These pictures were tentatively divided into two groups the one group comprises those that appear to represent running or dashing trains and the other includes those that are of standing ones (Table V).
8 courses of experiments were carried out with regard to these two points, in order to scrutinize the statistical results obtained.
The main features of our conclusion are as follows.
(1) On the leftwardly directed pictures:-Regardless of sex and age differences and local conditions, more than 80% of the trains are drawn as running toward left. This value seems to somewhat fluctuate with regard to the difference of the school year, but the fluctuation is rather an irregular one. The same individual tends to chose the same orientation all the time (Exp. I). The same direction preference appears when toy trains are put on the table by children (Exp.II).
The natural tendency of muscular movements may seem to be an important cause of the leftwardly directed pictures ; but the fact shown by the experiments with toys seems to suggest something more psychological than the muscular movements as the driving force of this general tendency. The direction of train seems to quite a good extent to be decided whether they are running or standing (Exp. VI & VII).
(2) On the rightwardly directed pictures:-Among the rightwardly directed pictures collected there are some that were drawn by children who, presumably, are inherently left-handed but compelled to use right hand, as is not very uncommon in early school years. A few of the children seem to have directed their trains rightward as their artistic means (Exp. VIII).
(3) On the trains viewed from the front:-Whereas the front view in portrait drawing appears in an early stage of child art, it represents a later, advanced stage in the case of drawing trains.
(4) On the movement of train:-Regardless of the direction, the trains drawn by children are predominantly in motion, i. e., running. It seems that children draw dashing trains with more ease than standing ones (Exp. VII). There are children, who being requested to draw a moving train, directed it leftward, while, when asked to draw a standing train, directed it rightward. This again seems to suggest that the natural ease of the muscular movement alone does not decide the orientation of the train. Moreover, running trains are drawn as to show the movement in themselves, while standing trains are generally shown to be standing in reference to the environmental conditions.
(5)Difference ih boys and girls:-Generally speaking,boys are more interested in drawing trains, and are, as a whole, more observant and more expressional than girls.

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