Dastur al-Katib of Muhammad b. Hindushah Nakhchiwani, a collection of style sheets for official documents of the Jalayirids (the successor dynasty to the Ilkhanids, the Mongol dynasty in Iran during the 13th and 14th centuries), has been regarded as one of most famous Persian insha' literatures (works of prosaic art for letter writing). However, an important question has been ignored why such a voluminous insha' collection was compiled by the official order during the latter half of the Mongol period, when traditional Persian insha' was in decline. In this article, the author discussed peculiar ways of compiling Dastur different from other traditional Persian insha' collections and the influence of Mongol chancellery practices under the Ilkhanids on Persian insha' tradition. The compilation of Dastur was begun in the last years of the Ilkhanids by an official order of the last Ilkan, Abu Sa`id but before its completion the Ilkhanids collapsed, and after 25 years it was resumed and dedicated to the second ruler and real founder of the Jalayirids, Shaykh Uways. Dastur, which consists of 800 style sheets is chaptered in a rare manner compared to other insha' collections; that is, the traditional way of chaptering insha' collections is by categories of documents and letters, but in Dastur the style sheets are categorized by differences in ranks and titles to whom they should be addressed. Though the great volume and pecuriarity of Dastur made it necessary to compilean excerpt entitled al-Irshad fi al-Insha', in which only usual documents, excluding edicts regarding Mongol officials, are chaptered in the traditional way, Dastur was designed to be a complete collection of style sheets for the Jalayirids ; and the last chapter of Dastur, which contains directions on how to use the collection, insists that chapters and style sheets must not be modified or deleted, and if new formats for official documents become necessary, they must be composed in the same way as the other style sheets and added to the collection. There is a similar collection of style sheets in the Ilkhanids chancellery system in the collection of formats for official letters compiled after Ghazan Khan's reform. Ghazan Khan, who desired khan's own supervision over the chancellery system to be strengthened, compiled a collection of formats for all kinds of official letters accredited by him entitled Dastur a1-Umur, and ordered the chancellery to compose and issue all official documents according to its style sheets. Therefore, Dastur which was compiled soon after the establishment of Jalayirid rule under Shaykh Uways, can be said to have played the same role as the Ilkhanid Dastur al-Umur ; and as for the chancellery system that the Jalayirids took over from the Ilkhanids system, Dastur is amalgam of the Ilkhanid Mongol chancellery practices and the Persian insha' tradition.

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The conventional research on the position held by Ashikaga Takauji 足利尊氏 within the government formed after the Kenmu 建武 imperial restoration (1334) tends to argue that the warrior leader was excluded from all of its affairs. However, Amino Yoshihiko 網野善彦 has proposed that such a view be reconsidered in the light that the Kenmu government officially gave Takauji charge over Chinzei 鎮西 (Kyushu) military affairs, a subject that is now being pursued by Mori Shigeaki 森茂暁 and Ito Kiyoshi 伊藤喜良. Nevertheless, the conventional skeptical view of Takauji's role has yet to be reconsidered ; and his involvement in the Kenmugovernment has by no means been thoroughly investigated. In the present article, the author conducts a detailed analysis of the time from Takauji's turn against the Kamakura Bakufu in the 4th month of Genko 3 (1333) through the post-coup de'etat settle ment. The research to date has tended to look upon Takauji's involvement in the settlement as anti-government in attitude ; however, it is a fact that 1) Takauji utilized his close relationship with Emperor Go-Daigo to raise troops during the conflict, and 2) petitions for Imperial recognition of deployment (chakuto-jo 着到状) to the battles fought in the Kanto and Chinzei regions were submitted to the Emperor through Takauji. Moreover, Takauji's receipt of these petitions stemmed not from any personal ambition, but rather from his position as an intermediary for the Emperor ; and the authority that Takauji assumed during the incident was not personally usurped, but always based on his relationship to the Emperor, and was finally officially recognized in his appointment as military commander-in-chief of Chinju-fu 鎮守府 on Genko 3/6/5. In addition, his investiture as a minister of state (kugyo 公卿) was an attempt by the Emperor to define his position within the imperial court's organization. The author concludes that rather than being excluded from the affairs of the Kenmu government, Ashikaga Takauji was placed in one of its positions of military responsibility, and from the standpoint of Takauji himself, this role was not the result of some move to expand his own political influence, but rather stemmed from the powers invested in him through his official appointment as commander-in-chief of Chinju-fu.

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This paper analyzes the relationship between minren 〓人, who migrated within the same province, and yueren 粤人, who moved across provincial borders, in the context of immigrant society in Taiwan during the Qing period. The author also examines relations between migrants and the Qing dynasty. In 1727, upon the recommendation of Gao Qizhuo 高其倬 Governor-chinese General 総督 of Fujian 福建, the Qing dynasty opened local examinations 童試 only to "native 本地人" that is, those who had settled in Taiwan, and possessed land and houses. However, in 1739, the yueren community challenged this decision, and conse-quently, a new compromise rule was established in 1741. On the one hand, this rule maintained the vested rights of the literary among minren, who constituted a majority in Taiwan. On the other hand, it permitted yueren to take examinations, but excluded them from the guaranteed quota for provincial examinations 郷試 and also allowed them to enter into prefecture schools 府学, but not county schools 県学. The author's analysis of this incident leads to the following conclusions ; (1)although migrants were all from china proper, the Qing dynasty set up a clear, official distinction between minren and yueren as far as local examinations were concerned (2)despite this, the actual distinction was vague between the two groups at the local, unofficial level, even to the extent that the yueren were allowed to take examination designed for the minren ; (3)the Qing dynasty, therefore, allowed local communities to govern themselves with regard to their mutual relations, so long as no serious problems arose ; and finally, (4)while such a policy alleviated the tension between the minren and the yueren, it also helped to divide them for a long time to come.

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